人性的不完美,要用法律制度來防止它走向墮落。
制度的不透明,會是腐敗貪污犯罪,最佳的溫床。

許一份承諾,背負一世枷鎖,以悲歌落幕,這是英雄。
扯一個彌天大謊,讓整個世界隨之起舞,自己卻冷眼旁觀,這就是梟雄。
(一世梟雄之烽火戲諸侯)

在國家出現危難之時,總有一些人挺身而出,為國效力,這樣的人被稱為英雄。
在金融市場混亂之際,總有一些人挺身而出,又撈又騙,這樣的人被稱為大師。
(金融物語總幹事黃國華)

2008年11月7日 星期五

歐巴馬的獲勝關鍵

婦女票幾乎向來都是民主黨打贏總統選戰的關鍵。(AP Photo/ Wong Maye-E)

勝利之鑰》女人黑人年輕人 歐巴馬狂掃
作者:編譯彭淮棟、田思怡/綜合報導 來源:UDN 發布時間:2008-11-06 03:44:14

出口民調顯示,歐巴馬大贏婦女、黑人、西班牙語裔、卅歲以下選民,及初次投票的廿歲選民票白人、高齡選民和勞工階級則支持馬侃居多

婦女票超過一半西裔票三分之二幾乎所有黑人票都歸歐巴馬。在卅歲以下的選民方面,歐巴馬和對手得票率是二比一。

婦女票幾乎向來都是民主黨打贏總統選戰的關鍵。男性選民方面,歐巴馬得票也多於馬侃,只是幅度不像婦女票那麼大。

初次投票的廿歲出頭選民是歐巴馬主打目標,他得票三比一壓倒馬侃。

新選民有五分之一是黑人,是黑人在所有選民中所占比例的兩倍。

廿六歲的紐約人珍妮佛‧桑德森向來投共和黨的票,這回改了,她說:「別告訴我爹,我投了歐巴馬。」她說,馬侃的搭檔裴林令她倒胃口。

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歐巴馬的超級助選員 布希搞失蹤
作者:編譯張佑生/綜合報導 來源:UDN 發布時間:2008-11-06 02:59:52


美國總統大選投票日當天,布希總統不見蹤影。白宮發言人派里諾女士解釋:「總統完全清楚這場大選與他無關。」

怎麼會與他無關?半數選民強烈反對布希治國的方式,同樣多的人認為馬侃會延續布希的政策。無法與布希切割,讓馬侃選起來格外費力,最後輸掉大選。布希雖然提早表態票投馬侃,實際上他卻是歐巴馬的「超級助選員」。

八年來,美國捲入兩場戰爭,國際形象遭受重創,放任的經濟政策引發金融風暴,布希的支持率跌到剩二成。在國際間,布希的評價更差。數字會說話,成千上萬,成億上兆:四千名美國官兵在異鄉陣亡,三萬名官兵受傷,五十萬名伊拉克人喪命,阿富汗的罹難者不計其數,軍費支出高達三兆美元。

內政方面,遭遇不同,但同樣可怕。恩龍集團財務詐騙破產案、卡翠納颶風、次級房貸、七千億美元華爾街紓困案。布希在二○○○年就任時聯邦政府預算有盈餘,如今銀行破產,上兆美元蒸發,美國民眾為了健保、教育、退休金、房子和工作能否保得住而苦惱。金融風暴侵襲,美國打噴嚏,世界都感冒。

布希對美國做了些什麼,對全世界做了些什麼,都比不上他對美國總統職位所造成的傷害:濫權。尼克森對美國憲政的危害惡名昭彰,最後黯然下台。布希搖身一變成為「帝王總統」,國會制衡對他無效。無論他做了什麼,都可以全身而退,成為民主法治最壞的示範。

布希從什麼地方全身而退?國際法咸認某國遭受攻擊時發起戰爭為合法,布希卻揚言「先發制人」,並炮製伊拉克擁有大規模毀滅性武器的證據,指稱海珊跟「九一一事件」有關,美國入侵伊拉克已構成犯罪。

布希以「愛國者法案」讓情報單位大搞國內監聽,古巴關達那摩灣美軍監獄囚犯遭刑求的醜聞頻傳。布希楬櫫的政策原則「道德的大多數」,其實既不道德,也非多數。
布希對美國的貢獻大概是喚醒「冷漠的大多數」,讓許多原本對總統選舉勝負不在乎,或不投票的人,體認到美國面臨必須改變的關鍵時刻。

---------------------

另外,歐巴馬的演說能力極為優秀

這也是他能在47歲就能當選美國總統的主要原因之一

總結如下

1.挺拔帥氣的外表 (相對於馬侃的老態,歐巴馬更能吸引選民的眼光,尤其是年輕人跟婦女)
2.團結溫馨的一家四口 (能給人值得信賴託付的感受,代表負責)
3.馬侃選錯副總統為搭檔 (培琳真的給人花瓶的感覺,負面新聞遠多餘正面加分)
4.歐巴馬選對副手為搭檔 (由於歐巴馬本身的年輕及膚色,選擇年紀較大的白人為上上之選)
5.歐巴馬的演說能力,且能及時回應澄清不利的報導
6.他是黑人跟他的成長背景,正因為他是的膚色,更能吸引選民的注意
7.布希在他任內的8年的劣蹟事項給了美國民眾想要擁有一位"不一樣"的總統,
8.歐巴馬的競選口號"YES, WE CAN."是強而有力的呼喚口號
儘管有些空洞,但是一般人希望這樣沒有理由的歡欣鼓舞
我們總是寄望於他人來帶領我們 (因為我們不喜歡勞累跟思考)
想像我們可以跟隨他的腳步就能獲得通向富庶的生活跟樂園
尤其,我們寄望於歐巴馬正因為他象徵我們心中的美國夢
選一個人不是選他的做事能力,而是他給於我們心中的感受跟幻想

其實馬侃有機會贏的...

2008年11月5日 星期三

A More Perfect Union - Barack Obama:



中文譯文全文:

兩百二十一年以前,在一個如今仍屹立在對街的大廳中,一群人匯聚一堂,而以這些簡單文字,推啟了美國這機會渺茫的民主實驗。跨海逃離暴政與迫害的農夫及學者、政治家及愛國人士們,終於在那持續了整個1787年春季的費城會議中,實現了他們的獨立宣言。

他們所提出的文件,後來雖經簽字通過,但最終仍未完成。它被這國家奴隸制度的原罪所玷污,一個使各殖民地間彼此分歧且讓整個會議陷入僵局的疑點。直到開國元老們選擇容許奴隸貿易繼續運作至少二十年,而將任何最終解決方案留給將來的世代。

當然,對奴隸制度疑問的答案早已埋藏在我們的憲法之中。一部將依法享有平等公民權這理想置於最核心之憲法,一部承諾人民自由、正義、以及一個可能且應當隨時間獲得進一步完善的聯邦之憲法。

然而區區羊皮紙上的文字,並不足以助奴隸脫離桎梏;或是提供每種膚色及信仰的男男女女,身為美國公民的完整權利及義務。所需要的,是世世代代願意盡一己之力的美國人,透過抗爭與奮鬥、在街頭與法庭上、透過內戰及公民不服從並且始終冒著極大風險,以縮小理想的承諾與當代的現實間之差距。

這是我們在這次競選一開始時所提出的任務之一。為了接續前人的漫長旅途,一個追求更正義、更平等、更自由、更具關懷且更繁榮的美國之旅途。我選擇在歷史上的此時此刻參選總統,因為我深深相信除非我們共同努力,否則無法解決我們此刻面臨的各項挑戰。除非我們為建立一個更完善的聯邦而瞭解到:我們雖懷著不同的故事,但擁有相同的期待我們可能外表不同且來自不同的地方,但我們都嚮往朝同一方向邁進,朝向一個讓我們子子孫孫更美好的未來。

這份信念,來自於我對美國人民的善良與慷慨不變的堅信。但這也來自於我的美國故事。

我是來自肯亞的黑人父親與來自坎薩斯州的白人母親的兒子。扶養我長大的,是曾經歷過大蕭條而在二次大戰時巴頓將軍旗下服役的白人祖父、以及當祖父身在海外時,在利文沃司堡一家轟炸機生產線上工作的白人祖母。我曾就讀於某些美國最好的學校,也曾在全世界最窮的國家之一生活過。我所娶的是一位在血脈中流有奴隸與奴隸主血液的美國黑人。而我也將這份血脈傳承到我兩個寶貴的女兒身上。在三個大陸上,散佈著我屬於每一個種族及每一種膚色的兄弟、姊妹、外甥、外甥女、叔伯與表親。在有生之年,我將永不忘記,我的故事在地球上任何一個其他國家中,都沒有一丁點可能會發生。

這個故事並未使我成為最符合傳統的候選人。但這故事在我基因深處烙印著這理念:這個國家不只是部分的總和,而真正是合眾為一。

在這次競選的第一年中,出乎所有預料之外,我們看到了美國人民對於團結和諧的渴望。無視於單純以種族眼光來看我的參選之誘惑,我們在全國最高白人比例的州裡贏得了明確的勝利。在內戰南方聯盟旗仍舊飄揚的南卡羅來納州,我們建立了非洲裔美國人與白人之間的強力聯盟。

這並不代表種族在這次競選中並不成為一個問題。在這次競選的各個階段,有些評論者曾經認為我要麼「太黑」或是「不夠黑」。我們看到種族緊張關係在南卡羅來那州初選前一週浮出表面。媒體搜遍了每一個出口民調,來找尋支持種族兩極化論點的最新證據。並不僅止於黑白之間,更包含黑色與棕色人種之間。

然而,一直到最近幾週,這次競選中對種族的討論,才轉入了更引起歧見的彎路。

在光譜的一端,我們聽到了一些說法,認為我的參選,只是在執行補助少數族裔的贊許行動;認為我的參選,單純是墊基於不切實際的自由派人士們想要便宜買下種族諒解。在另一個極端,我們聽到了我先前的牧師,傑瑞米亞‧萊特教士,使用了煽動性的語言以表達一些看法。這些看法不只可能擴大種族鴻溝,而且貶抑了我們國家的偉大與善良。這些言論理所當然地,引起白人及黑人雙方的不悅。

我已經用無可爭議的明確言辭,嚴正批評了萊特牧師造成如此爭議的不當言論。對某些人而言,仍有些疑問隱隱殘留未解。我是否知道,他有時是個尖銳批評美國內政及外交政策的評論者?當然。我是否曾經在坐在教堂內時,聽過他做出些可能被認為有爭議性的言論?是的。我是否曾經強烈不同意他的很多政治觀點?絕對如此。正如我確信,你們之中很多人也曾自你的牧師、神父或猶太祭司口中聽過你所強烈不同意的言論。

但是造成最近風暴的言論,並不只是具爭議性而已。它們並不單是宗教領袖在試圖對感受到的不公義發聲。相反地,它們表達出對這國家嚴重扭曲之觀點。這觀點將白種人種族主義視為根深蒂固的,且將美國不好的地方強調到高過於所有我們知道美國作的好的地方。這觀點將中東衝突視為主要根源於如以色列等忠實盟友的行為,而非來自扭曲而充滿仇恨的伊斯蘭極端教義派之意識型態。

由此,萊特牧師的評論並不僅僅錯誤,而且挑起分歧。在一個我們需要合作如一的時候挑起分歧;在一個我們需要聯合一起以解決一串巨大問題的時候加強種族緊張。兩場戰爭、一系列恐怖威脅、一個衰敗的經濟、一個持續已久的健保危機及具有潛在毀滅性的氣候變遷。這些問題並不單是黑人、白人、拉丁裔或亞裔的問題,而是我們全民所共同面對的難題。

以我的背景、我的政治走向、和我所公開表示的價值和理想,毫無疑問地,對有些人而言,我批評萊特牧師的言論仍不足夠。為什麼在一開始時要跟萊特牧師打交道?為什麼不加入另一個教會?而我承認,若我對萊特牧師的所知,僅止於在電視和youtube上無限循環的宣道片段,又或是三一聯合基督教會真的符合於某些評論者譏諷的形象,我毫無疑問會以相同的方式回應。

但實際的情況是,那並不是我對這個人所瞭解的全部。我在二十年前遇見的,是一位協助引領我信仰基督的人、是一位對我闡述以愛照護我們同胞的義務的人、告訴我要關懷病者而拉拔窮人的人。他是個曾經在海軍陸戰隊報效國家的男子漢,他也曾在國內最優秀的大學及神學院就讀及講課,他也曾在超過三十年的時光中,帶領教會在世間做上帝的善行,如提供無家可歸者棲身之處、照料有急難需求的人、提供日間托兒服務、贊助獎學金、到監獄佈道、且向身受愛滋病所苦的病患伸出援助之手。

在我的第一本書《我父之夢》裡,我曾描述過我在三一教會第一次參加的佈道會之經驗:

「人們開始呼喊,從座中立起,擊掌而高聲大叫。一陣強烈的風將牧師的聲音帶到屋脊之上…而在那齊一的音符中 – 希望! – 我聽到了更多;在那十字架腳邊,在城市裡上千座教堂中,我想見了尋常黑人的故事和大衛與巨人哥利亞、摩西與法老、以西結的白骨回生這些聖經故事融合為一。這些生存、自由與希望的故事,成為了我們的故事,我的故事。故事中所流的血,成為我們的血、那滴下的淚,化做我們的淚;直到這黑人教會,在這明亮的白日,好似再次成為了承載著眾人故事的船隻,向廣闊未來世界中的世世代代而去。我們的試煉與勝利既獨一無二而又普及於萬眾,屬於黑人,而不只屬於黑人。在記錄我們的旅途中,這些故事、歌謠使我們有方法能取回我們所不需感到羞愧的記憶…讓所有人能夠學習且珍惜的記憶、讓所有人能開始重建的記憶。」

那才是我在三一教會的經驗。像全美國各地任何其他黑人為主的教堂一樣,三一教會包含了黑人族群的所有層面。醫師與靠福利救助生活的母親、模範學生與前幫派份子。如同其他黑人教會一般,三一教會的講道充滿了喧鬧的笑聲及時而俗氣下流的幽默。它們充滿了對不熟悉的人而言可能刺耳的舞蹈、擊掌、尖叫與高呼。這教會中完整包容了善良與殘酷、熾烈的才智與驚人的無知、掙扎與成功、愛心與,是的,苦澀及偏見,這些組成美國黑人生活的全部經驗。

而這,也許,能幫助解釋我與萊特牧師的關係。即使他如此地不完美,他對於我還是如同親人一般。他堅定了我的信仰、主持我的婚禮、並領洗我的孩子。我一次都未曾在與他談話時,聽到他對其他族裔說出貶抑之詞;或是對待任何他所接觸的白人時,有任何禮貌與尊重之外的舉止。他在他一人之中包含了,無論好壞,他如此多年來勤奮服務的族群的特質。

我不能與他斷絕關係,正如同我不能與黑人族群斷絕關係。我不能與他斷絕關係,正如同我不能與我的白人祖母斷絕關係。我的白人祖母協助養育我、一次又一次地為我做出犧牲,而且愛我如同她愛這世上任何事物。但她也曾經承認他對路過黑人男子的恐懼,而她也曾不止一次說出讓我揪心蜷縮的種族刻板印象字句。

這些人都是我的一部份。而且他們也是美國的一部份,這個我所摯愛的國家。

有些人會把這視為一個將單純不可原諒的文字合理化或找藉口的嘗試。我可以向你保證,這不是。我想,政治上安全的作法應該是讓這事件過去,然後希望它消失在叢林之中。我們可以將萊特牧師當作怪人或煽動者來打發掉,如同有些人在她最近發表言論之後,以隱藏著深層的種族偏見為由打發了潔拉汀‧費拉洛一樣。(註1)

但是種族議題,是我相信這國家不能在此時忽略的議題。若如此做,則我們將會犯了如同萊特牧師那些令人反感的講道一樣的錯 -- 將刻板印象簡化而放大負面觀點,直到扭曲了事實。

事實是,最近這幾週所出現的評論及浮現的議題,反映了在這個國家中,種族這複雜議題其實從來沒有得到真正解決。這是我們聯邦仍須改善以求更完美的一部份。如果我們現在遠離這個議題,如果我們僅僅撤退回各自的角落,我們永遠不會聚在一起,一同解決如醫療體系、教育、或為每個人找份好工作的真正挑戰。

要瞭解這個現實,得先瞭解我們是如何到達這個局面的。如同威廉‧佛克納所說「過去還沒有蓋棺論定。說實在的,過去根本還沒有過去。」我們並不需要在這裡重述這國家中種族不正義的歷史。但我們確實需要提醒我們自己,今日在非裔美人族群中所存在的許多分歧,可以直接追溯到從上一代遺留下來的不平等待遇、在奴隸制度與吉姆‧克羅種族分離法案之下受苦的殘酷遺產。(註2)

種族分離的學校曾經是,而且仍然是,較差的學校。我們在布朗vs教育董事會一案判決之後五十年,仍然還沒有解決這個問題。(註3)而他們所提供的較差教育,無論當時及現在,協助解釋今日白人與黑人學生之間普遍的成就差距。

訂於法令中的歧視,當黑人被透過暴力禁止擁有財產、或是不提供借款給非裔美人的小生意老闆、或是黑人購屋者不能夠獲得聯邦住屋局的貸款、或是將黑人排除於公會、警察、消防隊之外等等,這代表者黑人家庭不能夠累積任何有意義的財富,來遺留給下一代。這個歷史協助解釋了黑白之間的收入及財富差距,以及在今日這麼多城市及鄉村社區中,密集的貧困區域。

在黑人男性中經濟機會的缺乏,以及不能供養家庭所產生的羞愧與挫折,導致了黑人家庭的侵蝕。這個問題可能還受多年以來的福利政策影響,而變的更差。而且許多都市黑人社區中缺乏基本服務,如孩子們能遊戲的公園、按規巡邏的警察、正規化的垃圾收集服務以及建築法規執法等,全都協助創造了一直困擾我們的一個暴力、荒蕪及漠視的循環。

這是萊特牧師以及他那一代的許多非裔美人成長過程所面對的現實。他們在五十年代末期及六十年代初時成年,一個種族隔離仍屬於法律規定而機會遭受到系統化限制的時代。值得評論的不是在歧視之下有多少人失敗了。而是有多少男男女女克服了困境,在無路之處篳路藍縷,為我這一輩後來的人開出條路來。

但在所有努力奮鬥扒出一條路來獲得美國夢一角的人之外,還有許多人沒能成功。這些在各種原因之下,因遭受歧視而終究敗下陣來的人。這些失敗的遺留效應,也被傳遞到新生的下一代,那些在街角呆站或在監獄裡消沈的少男,以及逐漸增加的少女,對將來沒有一丁點希望或期待。即使是那些取得成功的黑人,種族問題和種族歧視依然以根本地定義著他們的世界觀。對於萊特牧師那一代的男男女女,羞辱、懷疑與恐懼的記憶並沒有離開。那些年來的憤怒與苦澀也依然留下。那些憤怒也許不會在公開場合中,在白人朋友或同事面前表示出來。但是這些仍然會在理髮店或餐桌旁發聲。有時候,那些憤怒受到政治人物的利用,沿著種族界線來獲取選票、或是用來掩蓋政治人物自己的不足。

偶爾,這些憤怒也在週日上午的教堂中發出聲音來。在講道台上、在聽眾席中。有這麼多人對於聽到萊特牧師講道中的憤怒感到驚訝這個事實,正提醒我們那句老話:在美國人的生活中,種族隔離最嚴重的時間是在星期日上午大家上教堂的時候。那份怒氣並不總是有幫助的。事實上,在太多時候他分散了該用來解決真正議題的注意力。這使我們不能正面面對我們自己在這處境中所應負起的責任,也阻止了非裔美人族群來組成促進真正改變所需要的聯盟。但是這份怒氣是真實的,強烈的。而單純許願希望它消失,批評它而不去瞭解它的根源,只能讓種族之間誤解的隙縫更加拉寬。

事實上,在白人族群中的一些區塊,也存在著相類似的憤怒。大部分勞工階級與中產階級的美國白人,並不覺得他們因自身種族而得到了什麼特權。他們的經驗是外來移民的經驗。就他們所知,從來沒有什麼人給過他們什麼,他們從零開始建立了一切。他們一生努力工作,但很多時候卻看到職位被轉移到海外,或是退休金在奮鬥一輩子後化為烏有。他們對於他們的未來感到焦慮,也感受到夢想正在從手中溜走。在一個工資漲幅停頓與全球競爭的時代,機會被視為一個零合遊戲,也就是你的夢想是從我手中奪走的。所以當有人告訴他們要送他們的小孩坐公車到城市另一端,只為了學校族裔人口要求、當他們聽到非裔美人在爭取好工作或大學入學名額時,因為他們自己從未犯下的過錯而有保障名額優勢、當有人告訴他們在心中對市區犯罪的恐懼只不過是個偏見,埋怨便隨時間逐漸累積。

正如黑人族群中的憤怒一般,這些埋怨並不總會在禮貌場合表達出來。但是它們協助了塑造至少一整個世代的政治地貌。對福利措施及保障入學政策的憤怒協助促成了雷根的聯盟。政治人物屢次利用對犯罪的恐懼來達到自己的政治目的。脫口秀主持人和保守派評論員們靠著指出不存在的種族歧視事件建立了整個事業;而對真實種族不義及不公按理應該有的討論,卻被當作政治正確或是逆向種族歧視給打發掉了。

就如同黑人的憤怒常常實際上產生反效果,這些白人的積怨也將注意力從對中產階級遭受擠壓的真正罪魁禍首身上分散開來。充滿了內線交易的公司文化、可疑的會計操作、以及短視的貪婪;受到說客及利益團體掌控的華盛頓政府、優惠少數而非多數的經濟政策等。但,單純希望白人的積怨憑空消失,或是將他們貼上被誤導或種族主義的標籤而不能理解他們有真實合理的背景,這也加寬了種族之間的分歧,且阻擋了通往真正諒解的道路。

這,就是我們現在的情況。這是個我們已經受困其中多年的種族僵持局面。與某些批評我的人所說相反,無論是黑人白人,我從未天真到相信我們可以在一次選舉週期中,甚或是一任總統任期中,超越我們的種族歧見。尤其是如我一般不完美的競選人。

但我確立了一個堅定的信念,一個來自於我對上帝的信心及我對美國人民的信念。當一起合作時,我們可以跨過一些陳年的種族傷痕,而且我們如果要繼續踏上「更完美的聯邦」之路,別無選擇。

對於非裔美人族群,這條路代表著擁抱我們過去的負擔,但不成為過去的受害者。這代表著繼續堅持在美國生活中每一個層面的完整公義。但這也代表了將我們的特定不滿之處,如更好的醫療體系、更好的學校、更好的工作等,與所有美國人更廣大的期望結合在一起。如那正努力衝破玻璃天花板的白種女人、被裁員的白種男人、試圖餵飽一家人的移民。這也代表著對我們的生活負起完全的責任,透過對於我們的父親要求更多的關愛、花更多時間陪伴我們的孩子們、對他們閱讀、教導他們即使他們可能會在他們生命中遇到些挑戰與歧視,他們永遠不能臣服於絕望或譏諷之下、他們必須要永遠相信,他們能寫下自己的命運。

諷刺地,這個典型的美國的 -- 是的,保守主義的 -- 天助自助的想法,在萊特牧師的講道中時常出現。但是我的前牧師經常未能瞭解的,是踏上自我協助的計畫,也需要這社會能夠改變的信念。

萊特牧師講道內容最大的錯誤,並不是他談到了社會上種族主義的話題。而是他說話時,把這社會當作是靜止不變的;當作沒有發生任何進展;當作這個國家 – 這個讓他信眾的一份子能夠競選這片土地上最高的職位,建立一個跨越黑白、拉丁裔與亞裔、富人與窮人、年輕人與老人的聯盟的國家 – 仍舊無可救藥地束縛於一個悲劇性的過往。但我們知道,我們已看到的,是美國能夠改變。這才是這個國家的真正天才所在。我們所已經達成的成果,給予了我們希望 - 敢於希望的無畏 – 來達成我們能夠而且必須在明天達成的一切。

在白人族群中,通往更完美聯邦的路代表著認知到困擾著非裔美人族群的問題,並不只存在於黑人的想像中;種族歧視的遺跡以及今日的歧視案例 -- 雖然已比過去不明顯-- 是真實存在的,而且需要解決。並不只是用言語,而是以行動。透過在我們的學校與社區中投資、透過執行我們的人權法律及保證犯罪正義系統中的公平、透過提供這一代人前幾代人所沒有機會階梯。這需要所有美國人來瞭解到,你的夢想並不一定要來自於我的夢想的損失;瞭解到對黑人、白人、棕色人種的孩子們的健康、福利及教育投資改善,最終會幫助整個美國繁榮。

那麼,最後,所要求的並不多過、也不少於所有世界上的偉大宗教所要求的:要人如何對待你,便如何對待別人。讓我們成為我們兄弟的守護者,如聖經經文所說。讓我們找尋彼此之間的共同之處,而讓我們的政策反應它。

因為我們對這國家有個選擇。我們可以接受產生分裂、紛爭與譏諷的政治。我們可以對種族問題只當作作秀來看,如同我們在O.J Simpson辛普森殺妻案中一般、或是只在悲劇發生之後才注意到,如我們在Katrina颱風之後、或是夜間新聞的消費品。我們可以在每個電視頻道、每一天播放萊特牧師的講道,一直到大選當天,然後把我是否相信或同情他最引人厭惡的言論,當作這次競選的唯一話題。我們可以對希拉蕊支持者的幾句失言窮追猛打,當作她在打種族牌的證據;或是我們可以猜測白人男性會不會毫不考慮共和黨候選人約翰‧馬坎的政策,而在大選中全數支持他。

我們可以那樣做。

但如果我們這樣做了,我可以告訴你在下一次競選時,我們會繼續討論其他的干擾議題。然後下一個。然後再下一個。然後什麼都不會改變。

那是一個選項。或是,在此時此刻,在這次大選,我們可以凝聚在一起而說:「這次不會」。這次我們要談談正在崩壞的學校,它們偷取了黑人孩子、白人孩子、亞裔孩子、西班牙裔孩子、美國原住民孩子的未來。這次我們要拒絕告訴我們「這些孩子學不了」的諷刺犬儒主義;拒絕把看來不像我們的孩子當作是別人的問題。美國的孩子不是「那些孩子」,他們是我們的孩子。我們不會讓它們在二十一世紀的經濟中落後。這次不會。

這次我們要談談排在急診室中的長龍,是如何排滿了沒有醫療保險的白人、黑人與西班牙裔;這些光靠自身無力抵抗華盛頓的特殊利益份子,但是若我們一同努力可以抵抗它們的老百姓。

這次我們要談談曾經提供給每個族裔的男男女女美好生活,卻拉下了鐵門的工廠;曾經屬於每一個宗教、每一個地區、每一個行業的美國人的,如今卻高掛著「售屋」牌的住家。這一次我們要談談真正的問題,而這並不是長相與你不同的人會搶你的工作,是所你服務的公司會把你的職位移往海外,只為了賺取一點利潤。

這一次我們要談談每一種膚色、每一種信念的男男女女。他們在那同一面光榮的旗幟之下一同服役、一同作戰、一同流血。我們要談談該如何從一個從來不應許可也從不應發動的戰爭之中,帶他們回家。而且我們要談談我們要如何透過照顧他們及他們的家人,以及給予他們應得的福利,來展現我們的愛國心。

我如果不是全心全意地相信,這些是絕大部分的美國人對這國家的期望,我不會來參選總統。這個聯邦也許永遠不能完美,但是一代又一代已經顯示了,它永遠可以更為完美。於是今天,當我發現自己對這個可能性感到懷疑或嘲諷時,給我最大力量的就是下一代 -- 已經以他們的態度、信念及對改變的開放心胸在這次選舉中創造了歷史的年輕人。

今天有一個故事,想要在這裡留給大家。一個我曾有榮幸在馬丁‧路德‧金博士生日時,在他生前的教堂,亞特蘭大的艾伯那澤浸信會中述說的故事。

有一位年輕,二十三歲的白人女子,名叫艾希莉‧白雅。她在南卡羅來那州的佛羅倫斯鎮,組織我們的競選團隊。她從競選一開始,便在一個多數為非裔美人的社區中組織競選。有一天,她在一個圓桌討論會上,每個人都要說出他們的故事,以及他們為什麼在這裡參與競選。

而艾希莉說,當她還只是九歲大的時候,她母親得了癌症,必須很多天不能上班。於是她被解聘,而且失去了健保。他們被迫申請破產,就在那時,艾希莉決定,她該要做些什麼。

她知道食物是他們最昂貴的支出之一,所以艾希莉說服了她母親,他真正想吃而且比什麼東西都更愛吃的,是芥菜和醬菜三明治。因為那是吃東西最便宜的辦法。

她這樣子吃了一年,直到她媽媽病情好轉。而她告訴圓桌邊的每個人,她加入我們競選團隊的原因,是因為這樣子她就可以幫助這國家中,以百萬計的其他需要協助他們父母的孩子。

艾希莉也可能做出不同的選擇。也許有人在半途上告訴她,她母親遭受問題的根源是靠福利救濟而太懶不願工作的黑人;或是非法進入這個國家的西班牙裔移民。但是她並沒有。她在這對抗不公的抗爭中,尋求可以合作的同伴。

無論如何,艾希莉結束了她的故事。然後她繞著房間走,尋問每個人他為何要支持我們這次的競選。他們都有不同的故事和理由。很多人有特定的議題。最後,他們終於來到了這一位年長的黑人男子,他在這裡全程默默地坐著。然後艾希莉問他,他為何在這裡。他並沒有提出特定的議題。他並沒有提到醫療體系或是經濟。他並沒有提到教育或是戰爭。他並沒有說他是為了巴拉克‧歐巴馬而來。他簡單地對房間裡的每一個人說,「我是為了艾希莉來的」。

「我是為了艾希莉來的」。僅此本身,那一個年輕白人女孩與年長黑人男子互相認識瞭解的瞬間,還不夠。這還不足以對病人提供醫療服務、對失業者提供工作、或是對我們的孩子提供教育。

但這正是我們的起點。我們的聯邦就是從此茁壯。而正如這麼多世世代代的人們,自一小群愛國者於兩百二十一年前,在費城簽署那份文件後所瞭解到的,那就是追求更完美的起點。


註 1:潔拉汀‧費拉洛 Geraldine Ferarro民主黨女性眾議員,曾在1984年做為副總統候選人,與Walter Mondale搭檔參選總統。後敗於雷根。參與希拉蕊的競選團隊,於2008年3月7日在加州每日微風報上發表評論:「如果歐巴馬是白人,他不會在這個位置;如果他是個女人,他也不會在這個位置。」這段話引起很大的爭議,及歐巴馬陣營的抗議。在3月12日,她退出競選團隊,表示不希望給希拉蕊帶來進一步傷害,但自始至終沒有收回此言論。

註2:Jim Crow 是白人對黑人的輕蔑稱呼,代指許多種族隔離法案的總稱。在許多南方州裡,曾有黑白必須就讀不同學校,搭乘不同公車,使用不同廁所等等的歧視法案。

註3: Brown vs. Board of Education. 美國最高法院於1954年5月17日發下的判例,推翻之前黑白各自設立學校的各州法案。視為種族平等進程的一大突破。


A More Perfect Union 英文原文:

"We the people, in order to form a more perfect union."

Two hundred and twenty one years ago, in a hall that still stands across the street, a group of men gathered and, with these simple words, launched America's improbable experiment in democracy. Farmers and scholars; statesmen and patriots who had traveled across an ocean to escape tyranny and persecution finally made real their declaration of independence at a Philadelphia convention that lasted through the spring of 1787.


The document they produced was eventually signed but ultimately unfinished. It was stained by this nation's original sin of slavery, a question that divided the colonies and brought the convention to a stalemate until the founders chose to allow the slave trade to continue for at least twenty more years, and to leave any final resolution to future generations.


Of course, the answer to the slavery question was already embedded within our Constitution - a Constitution that had at is very core the ideal of equal citizenship under the law; a Constitution that promised its people liberty, and justice, and a union that could be and should be perfected over time.


And yet words on a parchment would not be enough to deliver slaves from bondage, or provide men and women of every color and creed their full rights and obligations as citizens of the United States. What would be needed were Americans in successive generations who were willing to do their part - through protests and struggle, on the streets and in the courts, through a civil war and civil disobedience and always at great risk - to narrow that gap between the promise of our ideals and the reality of their time.


This was one of the tasks we set forth at the beginning of this campaign - to continue the long march of those who came before us, a march for a more just, more equal, more free, more caring and more prosperous America. I chose to run for the presidency at this moment in history because I believe deeply that we cannot solve the challenges of our time unless we solve them together - unless we perfect our union by understanding that we may have different stories, but we hold common hopes; that we may not look the same and we may not have come from the same place, but we all want to move in the same direction - towards a better future for of children and our grandchildren.


This belief comes from my unyielding faith in the decency and generosity of the American people. But it also comes from my own American story.


I am the son of a black man from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas. I was raised with the help of a white grandfather who survived a Depression to serve in Patton's Army during World War II and a white grandmother who worked on a bomber assembly line at Fort Leavenworth while he was overseas. I've gone to some of the best schools in America and lived in one of the world's poorest nations. I am married to a black American who carries within her the blood of slaves and slaveowners - an inheritance we pass on to our two precious daughters. I have brothers, sisters, nieces, nephews, uncles and cousins, of every race and every hue, scattered across three continents, and for as long as I live, I will never forget that in no other country on Earth is my story even possible.


It's a story that hasn't made me the most conventional candidate. But it is a story that has seared into my genetic makeup the idea that this nation is more than the sum of its parts - that out of many, we are truly one.


Throughout the first year of this campaign, against all predictions to the contrary, we saw how hungry the American people were for this message of unity. Despite the temptation to view my candidacy through a purely racial lens, we won commanding victories in states with some of the whitest populations in the country. In South Carolina, where the Confederate Flag still flies, we built a powerful coalition of African Americans and white Americans.


This is not to say that race has not been an issue in the campaign. At various stages in the campaign, some commentators have deemed me either "too black" or "not black enough." We saw racial tensions bubble to the surface during the week before the South Carolina primary. The press has scoured every exit poll for the latest evidence of racial polarization, not just in terms of white and black, but black and brown as well.


And yet, it has only been in the last couple of weeks that the discussion of race in this campaign has taken a particularly divisive turn.


On one end of the spectrum, we've heard the implication that my candidacy is somehow an exercise in affirmative action; that it's based solely on the desire of wide-eyed liberals to purchase racial reconciliation on the cheap. On the other end, we've heard my former pastor, Reverend Jeremiah Wright, use incendiary language to express views that have the potential not only to widen the racial divide, but views that denigrate both the greatness and the goodness of our nation; that rightly offend white and black alike.


I have already condemned, in unequivocal terms, the statements of Reverend Wright that have caused such controversy. For some, nagging questions remain. Did I know him to be an occasionally fierce critic of American domestic and foreign policy? Of course. Did I ever hear him make remarks that could be considered controversial while I sat in church? Yes. Did I strongly disagree with many of his political views? Absolutely - just as I'm sure many of you have heard remarks from your pastors, priests, or rabbis with which you strongly disagreed.


But the remarks that have caused this recent firestorm weren't simply controversial. They weren't simply a religious leader's effort to speak out against perceived injustice. Instead, they expressed a profoundly distorted view of this country - a view that sees white racism as endemic, and that elevates what is wrong with America above all that we know is right with America; a view that sees the conflicts in the Middle East as rooted primarily in the actions of stalwart allies like Israel, instead of emanating from the perverse and hateful ideologies of radical Islam.


As such, Reverend Wright's comments were not only wrong but divisive, divisive at a time when we need unity; racially charged at a time when we need to come together to solve a set of monumental problems - two wars, a terrorist threat, a falling economy, a chronic health care crisis and potentially devastating climate change; problems that are neither black or white or Latino or Asian, but rather problems that confront us all.


Given my background, my politics, and my professed values and ideals, there will no doubt be those for whom my statements of condemnation are not enough. Why associate myself with Reverend Wright in the first place, they may ask? Why not join another church? And I confess that if all that I knew of Reverend Wright were the snippets of those sermons that have run in an endless loop on the television and You Tube, or if Trinity United Church of Christ conformed to the caricatures being peddled by some commentators, there is no doubt that I would react in much the same way


But the truth is, that isn't all that I know of the man. The man I met more than twenty years ago is a man who helped introduce me to my Christian faith, a man who spoke to me about our obligations to love one another; to care for the sick and lift up the poor. He is a man who served his country as a U.S. Marine; who has studied and lectured at some of the finest universities and seminaries in the country, and who for over thirty years led a church that serves the community by doing God's work here on Earth - by housing the homeless, ministering to the needy, providing day care services and scholarships and prison ministries, and reaching out to those suffering from HIV/AIDS.


In my first book, Dreams From My Father, I described the experience of my first service at Trinity:


"People began to shout, to rise from their seats and clap and cry out, a forceful wind carrying the reverend's voice up into the rafters....And in that single note - hope! - I heard something else; at the foot of that cross, inside the thousands of churches across the city, I imagined the stories of ordinary black people merging with the stories of David and Goliath, Moses and Pharaoh, the Christians in the lion's den, Ezekiel's field of dry bones. Those stories - of survival, and freedom, and hope - became our story, my story; the blood that had spilled was our blood, the tears our tears; until this black church, on this bright day, seemed once more a vessel carrying the story of a people into future generations and into a larger world. Our trials and triumphs became at once unique and universal, black and more than black; in chronicling our journey, the stories and songs gave us a means to reclaim memories that we didn't need to feel shame about...memories that all people might study and cherish - and with which we could start to rebuild."


That has been my experience at Trinity. Like other predominantly black churches across the country, Trinity embodies the black community in its entirety - the doctor and the welfare mom, the model student and the former gang-banger. Like other black churches, Trinity's services are full of raucous laughter and sometimes bawdy humor. They are full of dancing, clapping, screaming and shouting that may seem jarring to the untrained ear. The church contains in full the kindness and cruelty, the fierce intelligence and the shocking ignorance, the struggles and successes, the love and yes, the bitterness and bias that make up the black experience in America.


And this helps explain, perhaps, my relationship with Reverend Wright. As imperfect as he may be, he has been like family to me. He strengthened my faith, officiated my wedding, and baptized my children. Not once in my conversations with him have I heard him talk about any ethnic group in derogatory terms, or treat whites with whom he interacted with anything but courtesy and respect. He contains within him the contradictions - the good and the bad - of the community that he has served diligently for so many years.


I can no more disown him than I can disown the black community. I can no more disown him than I can my white grandmother - a woman who helped raise me, a woman who sacrificed again and again for me, a woman who loves me as much as she loves anything in this world, but a woman who once confessed her fear of black men who passed by her on the street, and who on more than one occasion has uttered racial or ethnic stereotypes that made me cringe.


These people are a part of me. And they are a part of America, this country that I love.


Some will see this as an attempt to justify or excuse comments that are simply inexcusable. I can assure you it is not. I suppose the politically safe thing would be to move on from this episode and just hope that it fades into the woodwork. We can dismiss Reverend Wright as a crank or a demagogue, just as some have dismissed Geraldine Ferraro, in the aftermath of her recent statements, as harboring some deep-seated racial bias.


But race is an issue that I believe this nation cannot afford to ignore right now. We would be making the same mistake that Reverend Wright made in his offending sermons about America - to simplify and stereotype and amplify the negative to the point that it distorts reality.


The fact is that the comments that have been made and the issues that have surfaced over the last few weeks reflect the complexities of race in this country that we've never really worked through - a part of our union that we have yet to perfect. And if we walk away now, if we simply retreat into our respective corners, we will never be able to come together and solve challenges like health care, or education, or the need to find good jobs for every American.


Understanding this reality requires a reminder of how we arrived at this point. As William Faulkner once wrote, "The past isn't dead and buried. In fact, it isn't even past." We do not need to recite here the history of racial injustice in this country. But we do need to remind ourselves that so many of the disparities that exist in the African-American community today can be directly traced to inequalities passed on from an earlier generation that suffered under the brutal legacy of slavery and Jim Crow.


Segregated schools were, and are, inferior schools; we still haven't fixed them, fifty years after Brown v. Board of Education, and the inferior education they provided, then and now, helps explain the pervasive achievement gap between today's black and white students.


Legalized discrimination - where blacks were prevented, often through violence, from owning property, or loans were not granted to African-American business owners, or black homeowners could not access FHA mortgages, or blacks were excluded from unions, or the police force, or fire departments - meant that black families could not amass any meaningful wealth to bequeath to future generations. That history helps explain the wealth and income gap between black and white, and the concentrated pockets of poverty that persists in so many of today's urban and rural communities.


A lack of economic opportunity among black men, and the shame and frustration that came from not being able to provide for one's family, contributed to the erosion of black families - a problem that welfare policies for many years may have worsened. And the lack of basic services in so many urban black neighborhoods - parks for kids to play in, police walking the beat, regular garbage pick-up and building code enforcement - all helped create a cycle of violence, blight and neglect that continue to haunt us.


This is the reality in which Reverend Wright and other African-Americans of his generation grew up. They came of age in the late fifties and early sixties, a time when segregation was still the law of the land and opportunity was systematically constricted. What's remarkable is not how many failed in the face of discrimination, but rather how many men and women overcame the odds; how many were able to make a way out of no way for those like me who would come after them.


But for all those who scratched and clawed their way to get a piece of the American Dream, there were many who didn't make it - those who were ultimately defeated, in one way or another, by discrimination. That legacy of defeat was passed on to future generations - those young men and increasingly young women who we see standing on street corners or languishing in our prisons, without hope or prospects for the future. Even for those blacks who did make it, questions of race, and racism, continue to define their worldview in fundamental ways. For the men and women of Reverend Wright's generation, the memories of humiliation and doubt and fear have not gone away; nor has the anger and the bitterness of those years. That anger may not get expressed in public, in front of white co-workers or white friends. But it does find voice in the barbershop or around the kitchen table. At times, that anger is exploited by politicians, to gin up votes along racial lines, or to make up for a politician's own failings.


And occasionally it finds voice in the church on Sunday morning, in the pulpit and in the pews. The fact that so many people are surprised to hear that anger in some of Reverend Wright's sermons simply reminds us of the old truism that the most segregated hour in American life occurs on Sunday morning. That anger is not always productive; indeed, all too often it distracts attention from solving real problems; it keeps us from squarely facing our own complicity in our condition, and prevents the African-American community from forging the alliances it needs to bring about real change. But the anger is real; it is powerful; and to simply wish it away, to condemn it without understanding its roots, only serves to widen the chasm of misunderstanding that exists between the races.


In fact, a similar anger exists within segments of the white community. Most working- and middle-class white Americans don't feel that they have been particularly privileged by their race. Their experience is the immigrant experience - as far as they're concerned, no one's handed them anything, they've built it from scratch. They've worked hard all their lives, many times only to see their jobs shipped overseas or their pension dumped after a lifetime of labor. They are anxious about their futures, and feel their dreams slipping away; in an era of stagnant wages and global competition, opportunity comes to be seen as a zero sum game, in which your dreams come at my expense. So when they are told to bus their children to a school across town; when they hear that an African American is getting an advantage in landing a good job or a spot in a good college because of an injustice that they themselves never committed; when they're told that their fears about crime in urban neighborhoods are somehow prejudiced, resentment builds over time.


Like the anger within the black community, these resentments aren't always expressed in polite company. But they have helped shape the political landscape for at least a generation. Anger over welfare and affirmative action helped forge the Reagan Coalition. Politicians routinely exploited fears of crime for their own electoral ends. Talk show hosts and conservative commentators built entire careers unmasking bogus claims of racism while dismissing legitimate discussions of racial injustice and inequality as mere political correctness or reverse racism.


Just as black anger often proved counterproductive, so have these white resentments distracted attention from the real culprits of the middle class squeeze - a corporate culture rife with inside dealing, questionable accounting practices, and short-term greed; a Washington dominated by lobbyists and special interests; economic policies that favor the few over the many. And yet, to wish away the resentments of white Americans, to label them as misguided or even racist, without recognizing they are grounded in legitimate concerns - this too widens the racial divide, and blocks the path to understanding.


This is where we are right now. It's a racial stalemate we've been stuck in for years. Contrary to the claims of some of my critics, black and white, I have never been so naïve as to believe that we can get beyond our racial divisions in a single election cycle, or with a single candidacy - particularly a candidacy as imperfect as my own.


But I have asserted a firm conviction - a conviction rooted in my faith in God and my faith in the American people - that working together we can move beyond some of our old racial wounds, and that in fact we have no choice is we are to continue on the path of a more perfect union.


For the African-American community, that path means embracing the burdens of our past without becoming victims of our past. It means continuing to insist on a full measure of justice in every aspect of American life. But it also means binding our particular grievances - for better health care, and better schools, and better jobs - to the larger aspirations of all Americans -- the white woman struggling to break the glass ceiling, the white man whose been laid off, the immigrant trying to feed his family. And it means taking full responsibility for own lives - by demanding more from our fathers, and spending more time with our children, and reading to them, and teaching them that while they may face challenges and discrimination in their own lives, they must never succumb to despair or cynicism; they must always believe that they can write their own destiny.


Ironically, this quintessentially American - and yes, conservative - notion of self-help found frequent expression in Reverend Wright's sermons. But what my former pastor too often failed to understand is that embarking on a program of self-help also requires a belief that society can change.


The profound mistake of Reverend Wright's sermons is not that he spoke about racism in our society. It's that he spoke as if our society was static; as if no progress has been made; as if this country - a country that has made it possible for one of his own members to run for the highest office in the land and build a coalition of white and black; Latino and Asian, rich and poor, young and old -- is still irrevocably bound to a tragic past. But what we know -- what we have seen - is that America can change. That is true genius of this nation. What we have already achieved gives us hope - the audacity to hope - for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.


In the white community, the path to a more perfect union means acknowledging that what ails the African-American community does not just exist in the minds of black people; that the legacy of discrimination - and current incidents of discrimination, while less overt than in the past - are real and must be addressed. Not just with words, but with deeds - by investing in our schools and our communities; by enforcing our civil rights laws and ensuring fairness in our criminal justice system; by providing this generation with ladders of opportunity that were unavailable for previous generations. It requires all Americans to realize that your dreams do not have to come at the expense of my dreams; that investing in the health, welfare, and education of black and brown and white children will ultimately help all of America prosper.


In the end, then, what is called for is nothing more, and nothing less, than what all the world's great religions demand - that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. Let us be our brother's keeper, Scripture tells us. Let us be our sister's keeper. Let us find that common stake we all have in one another, and let our politics reflect that spirit as well.


For we have a choice in this country. We can accept a politics that breeds division, and conflict, and cynicism. We can tackle race only as spectacle - as we did in the OJ trial - or in the wake of tragedy, as we did in the aftermath of Katrina - or as fodder for the nightly news. We can play Reverend Wright's sermons on every channel, every day and talk about them from now until the election, and make the only question in this campaign whether or not the American people think that I somehow believe or sympathize with his most offensive words. We can pounce on some gaffe by a Hillary supporter as evidence that she's playing the race card, or we can speculate on whether white men will all flock to John McCain in the general election regardless of his policies.


We can do that.


But if we do, I can tell you that in the next election, we'll be talking about some other distraction. And then another one. And then another one. And nothing will change.


That is one option. Or, at this moment, in this election, we can come together and say, "Not this time." This time we want to talk about the crumbling schools that are stealing the future of black children and white children and Asian children and Hispanic children and Native American children. This time we want to reject the cynicism that tells us that these kids can't learn; that those kids who don't look like us are somebody else's problem. The children of America are not those kids, they are our kids, and we will not let them fall behind in a 21st century economy. Not this time.


This time we want to talk about how the lines in the Emergency Room are filled with whites and blacks and Hispanics who do not have health care; who don't have the power on their own to overcome the special interests in Washington, but who can take them on if we do it together.


This time we want to talk about the shuttered mills that once provided a decent life for men and women of every race, and the homes for sale that once belonged to Americans from every religion, every region, every walk of life. This time we want to talk about the fact that the real problem is not that someone who doesn't look like you might take your job; it's that the corporation you work for will ship it overseas for nothing more than a profit.


This time we want to talk about the men and women of every color and creed who serve together, and fight together, and bleed together under the same proud flag. We want to talk about how to bring them home from a war that never should've been authorized and never should've been waged, and we want to talk about how we'll show our patriotism by caring for them, and their families, and giving them the benefits they have earned.


I would not be running for President if I didn't believe with all my heart that this is what the vast majority of Americans want for this country. This union may never be perfect, but generation after generation has shown that it can always be perfected. And today, whenever I find myself feeling doubtful or cynical about this possibility, what gives me the most hope is the next generation - the young people whose attitudes and beliefs and openness to change have already made history in this election.


There is one story in particularly that I'd like to leave you with today - a story I told when I had the great honor of speaking on Dr. King's birthday at his home church, Ebenezer Baptist, in Atlanta.


There is a young, twenty-three year old white woman named Ashley Baia who organized for our campaign in Florence, South Carolina. She had been working to organize a mostly African-American community since the beginning of this campaign, and one day she was at a roundtable discussion where everyone went around telling their story and why they were there.


And Ashley said that when she was nine years old, her mother got cancer. And because she had to miss days of work, she was let go and lost her health care. They had to file for bankruptcy, and that's when Ashley decided that she had to do something to help her mom.


She knew that food was one of their most expensive costs, and so Ashley convinced her mother that what she really liked and really wanted to eat more than anything else was mustard and relish sandwiches. Because that was the cheapest way to eat.


She did this for a year until her mom got better, and she told everyone at the roundtable that the reason she joined our campaign was so that she could help the millions of other children in the country who want and need to help their parents too.


Now Ashley might have made a different choice. Perhaps somebody told her along the way that the source of her mother's problems were blacks who were on welfare and too lazy to work, or Hispanics who were coming into the country illegally. But she didn't. She sought out allies in her fight against injustice.


Anyway, Ashley finishes her story and then goes around the room and asks everyone else why they're supporting the campaign. They all have different stories and reasons. Many bring up a specific issue. And finally they come to this elderly black man who's been sitting there quietly the entire time. And Ashley asks him why he's there. And he does not bring up a specific issue. He does not say health care or the economy. He does not say education or the war. He does not say that he was there because of Barack Obama. He simply says to everyone in the room, "I am here because of Ashley."


"I'm here because of Ashley." By itself, that single moment of recognition between that young white girl and that old black man is not enough. It is not enough to give health care to the sick, or jobs to the jobless, or education to our children.


But it is where we start. It is where our union grows stronger. And as so many generations have come to realize over the course of the two-hundred and twenty one years since a band of patriots signed that document in Philadelphia, that is where the perfection begins.





I Have a Dream - Martin Luther King



馬丁‧路德‧金(Martin Luther King, Jr.,1929年1月15日-1968年4月4日),是著名的美國民權運動領袖,1964年度諾貝爾和平獎獲得。1929年1月15日馬丁‧路德‧金出生於喬治亞州的亞特蘭大(Atlanta, Georgia),他的父親是一個教會牧師。1948年馬丁‧路德‧金獲得莫爾豪斯學院(Morehouse College)文學士學位,1951年他又獲得柯羅澤神學院(Crozer Theological Seminary)神學士學位,1955年他從波士頓大學(Boston University )獲得神學哲學博士學位。

1954年馬丁‧路德‧金成為阿拉巴馬州蒙哥馬利(Montgomery, Alabama)的德克斯特大街浸信會教堂(Dexter Avenue Baptist Church)的一位牧師。1955年12月1日,一位名叫做羅沙‧帕克斯(Rosa Parks)的黑人婦女在公共汽車上拒絕給白人讓座位,因而被當地警員逮捕。馬丁‧路德‧金立即組織了一場罷車運動(即蒙哥馬利罷車運動),從此他成為民權運動的領袖人物。1963年馬丁‧路德‧金組織了爭取黑人工作機會和自由權的華盛頓遊行。1964年,馬丁‧路德‧金被授予諾貝爾和平獎。1968年4 月4日,他在田納西州孟菲斯(Memphis, Tennessee)旅館的陽台被一名種族主義分子刺客開槍正中喉嚨致死。

1986年1 月,總統雷根簽署法令,規定每年一月份的第三個星期一為美國的馬丁‧路德‧金紀念日以紀念這位偉人,並且訂為法定假日。迄今為止美國只有三個以個人紀念日為法定假日的例子,分別為林肯紀念日,華盛頓紀念日與及馬丁‧路德‧金紀念日。其中,而馬丁‧路德‧金是唯一一位非美國總統而又享有此殊榮的人。他最有影響力且最為人知的一場演講是「我有一個夢」(I Have a Dream),迫使美國國會在1964年通過《民權法案》宣佈種族隔離和歧視政策為非法政策。


英文全文:

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by a sign stating: "For Whites Only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!



And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.



But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.



And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last! Free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!




「我有一個夢」中譯:

今天,我何其有幸能跟著大家,加入這個示威活動的行列。這個必將成為我國歷史上爭取自由的最偉大示威活動。

一百年以前,一位了不起的美國人,此刻我們正好站在他紀念像的蔽蔭之下,正式簽署了解放宣言,這份重大的文獻,直如一座偉大的燈塔,照亮了當時猶煎熬於不義之火的數百萬黑奴的希望;也向歡愉的破曉曙光,終結了漫漫的桎梏長夜。

然而,整整一百年後的今天,我們卻不得不面對這個可悲的事實:黑人依然得不到自由;整整一百年後的今天,黑人仍在生活中帶著種族隔離的手銬和種族歧視的腳鐐悲慘的蹣跚而行;整整一百年後的今天,黑人仍得在物質富裕的汪洋大海之中,兀自生存於貧乏的孤島之上;整整一百年後的今天,黑人依然掙扎於美國社會的陰暗死角,突然發現立身於自己的國土之上,卻像一名被放逐的罪人。所以說,今天我們來到此地,正為著揭露這些駭人的真實景況。

某種意義來說,我們今天來到我們國家的首府,是要求兌現一張支票,在我們共和國的締建先賢寫下美國憲法以及獨立宣言的莊嚴字句同時,他們等於是簽下了一紙期票,每一個美國人都對這紙期票有繼承權。該期票許諾,保證每一個人皆擁有不可剝奪的生存權利,自由權利,以及追求幸福的權利。

很顯然的,對於有色公民,美國並未兌現這張期票,美國沒有履行這項神聖的義務,只給了黑人同胞一張空頭支票,一張註記著「現金不足」的空頭支票,然而,我們沒辦法相信正義的銀行已然破產,我們沒辦法相信這個國家堆著各式各樣機會的大倉廩之中,居然會發生現金不足的窘狀,因此我們到此地來要求支票兌現-這張能滿足我們自由財富與正義保障的支票。

此外,我們之所以來到這個神聖之地,也是為了要提醒美國,事情已屆燃煤之際了,再沒時間讓我們侈言大家冷靜冷靜,或拿漸進改革當麻醉劑了。現在,是對民主做出真正承諾的時候了;現在,是從陰暗荒蕪的種族隔離幽谷走出來,步上種族平等陽光大道的時刻了;現在,是把我們這個國家從種族不平等的流沙之中拔昇起來,奠基於民胞物與的堅石磐石的時刻了;現在,更是讓所有上帝的兒女同享真正公義的時刻了。這個國家若輕估了事情的迫切程度,後果將不堪設想,黑人正當性不滿的炙人炎夏將一直徘徊不去,直到自由平等的涼颼秋日真正到來為止。

一九六三年不會是個句點,而是一個開始,如果這個國家依然故我不思變革的話,那些希冀黑人的怒火消退、回歸平和的人們,也會跟著暴烈的覺醒起來。

黑人一天不能得到他的公民權利,美國便休想有一天的安憩,一天的安寧,這個抗爭的旋風將持續的搖撼我們這個國家的基石,直到正義的光明日子降臨。

但在這裡,我有幾句話非叮囑此刻已站在正義殿堂前溫暖門檻的同胞不可,在爭取我們正當地位的過程之中,我們切不可因錯誤的行動而犯罪。

我們不可汲飲仇恨的苦杯,來紓解我們對自由的乾渴;我們必須自始至終立身於尊嚴和自律的高原之上,來進行我們的爭戰,絕不可以讓我們如此富創造力的抗爭行動,淪為肢體暴力的行徑;我們還得一次又一次讓自己莊嚴的拔昇起來,用我們靈魂的力量來對抗對手的有形暴力。

這個業已席捲了整個黑人社群的不可思議爭戰,千萬不要把我們引領到不信任白人的歧路上去,因為,許許多多我們的白人弟兄,就像他們今天出席這個聚會已足堪證明,他們已然認識到,他們的命運和我們的命運緊密相繫,他們已然認識到,他們的自由和我們的自由不可分割,我們攜手前進,向著不公義悍然攻擊的壯麗大軍,必須聯合黑白兩個種族才成其可能,我們不能踽踽獨行。

而一旦我們開拔前進,就得以破釜沉舟的決心挺進到底,不再回頭張望。有人會如此質問獻身民權運動的朋友們,「你們要怎樣才肯滿意歇手?」

我們永不歇手,除非黑人不再是警察野蠻荒謬暴力的受害者。

我們永不歇手,除非我們的身軀,歷經跋涉的疲憊身軀,可以在公路上的旅店和城市裡的旅館得著棲身之所;

我們永不歇手,除非黑人的基本生活空間能從窄小的貧民窟成為寬闊的住宅區。

我們永不歇手,除非我們的孩子不會再看見「白人專用」的告示牌,從而剝奪了他們的人格,戕害了他們的自尊;

我們永不歇手,除非密西西比州的黑人可以投票,而且紐約的黑人不再認為自己投不投票一樣無濟於事。不,

我們是不會歇手的,也永遠不可能歇手,除非正義似水,四處泛溢。公里如河,奔流不息。


我不會不清楚,你們之中有人歷經重重艱難才能感到此地,有人則乍乍從窄小的囚籠裡放出來,更有人來的地方是,你要求自由就讓你飽受種族壓迫暴雨的捶打和警察暴力狂風的侵襲。你們早已是這種創造性受難的沙場老將了,請懷著如此不合理的受苦是贖身代價的信念,繼續奮鬥下去。

回密西西比去吧,回阿拉巴馬去吧,回南卡羅萊納,回喬治亞,回路易斯安納,回到北方城市的貧民窟和窮苦黑人的寄居之地去吧,我們知道這些慘狀可以而且一定會改變的,我們別再躑躅於絕望的幽谷中不去。

所以我要告訴你們,我的朋友,儘管此刻和未來仍有多少困厄得去面對,我依然有個夢,這個夢深深扎根於美國的偉大夢想之中,相信我們這個國家必將卓然而起,實現他建國理念的真諦-我們認為這個真理是不證自明的,即所有人生而平等。


我有一個夢,有這麼一天,在喬治亞州的紅土小丘之上,農奴的孩子與農莊主人的孩子可以同席而坐,平等如友。

我有一個夢,有這麼一天,就算是密西西比這樣一個州,這樣一個被不公義的熱流籠罩不去的州,也能蛻變而成衣方自由正義的綠洲。

我有一個夢,有這麼一天,在阿拉巴馬這個地方,有著邪惡的種族主義者、有著一個永遠不中止出言干涉並違反聯邦政令的州長,會有這麼一天,就在阿拉巴馬這個地方,黑皮膚的小男孩小女孩,能和白皮膚的小男孩小女孩攜手嬉戲,如同兄弟姐妹,今天我有這樣一個夢。

我有一個夢,有這麼一天,所有的深谷會被填起,所有的山丘都會被夷平,粗礪之地會成為坦坦的平原,折曲之地被成為如矢的直道,上帝的榮光會再次顯現,四海之人會成為一家。

這是我們的願景,這也是我將攜回南方的信念。

憑此信念,我們會把絕望的大山,鑿成希望的磐石;憑此信念,我們會把我們國家種族傾軋的喧嚷,譜成一曲愛和平的動人樂章。

憑此信念,我們會一起工作,一起禱告,一起奮戰,一起昂然入獄,一起為著自由持續抗爭,因為我們曉得我們終將得著自由,終將這麼一天普天所有神的子女會以全新的意義如此高聲頌唱──「我的家邦啊,甜美的自由之鄉,讓我為你頌唱,這是我父親安眠之地,這是朝聖者榮光之地,讓自由的鐘敲響,響過每一座高山。」 ──如果美國會是如此一個偉大的國家,這一切必然成真。

所以,讓自由的鐘聲響起,從新罕普夏的巨大頂峰。

讓自由的鐘聲響起,從紐約的雄偉山脈。

讓自由的鐘聲響起,從賓夕法尼亞的高聳阿利根尼山。

讓自由的鐘聲響起,從科羅拉多皚皚白雪的洛磯山。

讓自由的鐘聲響起,從加利福尼亞的折曲優美山徑。

不只如此。

讓自由的鐘聲響起,從喬治亞的巖山。

讓自由的鐘聲響起,從田納西的遠眺山峰。

讓自由的鐘聲響起,從密西西比的每一處小丘低陵,從每一處山側嶺旁,讓自由的鐘聲響起。

當我們把自由的鐘聲如此敲響,我們會讓它響遍每一個村落,每一處農莊,響徹每一州,每一座城市,我們會加速這一個日子的降臨,只要所有上帝的子女──白人與黑人,猶太人與非猶太人,基督教徒與天主教徒──攜手相繫,同聲高唱那首古老的黑人聖歌:


「終於自由了,終於自由了,感謝全能的上帝,我們終於自由了。」

歐巴瑪大勝 美首位黑人總統


民主黨候選人歐巴馬4日為美國歷史寫下新頁,獲選為美國第一位黑人總統。(AP Photo/David Guttenfelder)

壓倒性勝利 創造新歷史

〔駐美特派員曹郁芬/華府五日報導〕

民主黨總統候選人歐巴瑪(前譯奧巴馬)四日以壓倒性勝利,當選美國史上首位黑人總統。他在芝加哥的勝選演說中,對著二十多 萬支持者宣告:「改變已經來到美國」。在已開出的選票中,歐巴瑪不僅以五十二%(約六千兩百九十六萬票)的普選票贏過共和黨候選人麥肯的四十六%(約五千五百七十六萬票),選舉人票更超越麥肯一倍多。贏得這場最漫長的總統大選後,四十七歲的歐巴瑪將在明年元月二十日宣誓就職,成為美國第四十四屆總統。

民主黨雙贏 國會席次增

美國各大電視網在美東時間四日深夜十一時宣布,歐巴瑪的選舉人票數已超越當選所需的二百七十票。守在芝加哥競選總部和全國各地的歐巴瑪支持者,頓時響起一片歡呼聲,奮力揮舞著國旗。許多支持者激動落淚,相互擁抱。美國主流報紙五日紛紛以「歐巴瑪創造歷史」為標題,宣告歐巴瑪成為美國白宮新主人。

歐巴瑪的普選票得票率是詹森總統以來,民主黨總統候選人得票最高的一次。布希總統立即致電歐巴瑪道賀。民主黨在參,在眾兩院選舉也是贏家,在已開出的票中,民主黨在一百席的參院雖未跨過六十席門檻,但已取得五十六席,在眾院的席次也增為二百五十二席。

承認敗選的麥肯也立即致電歐巴瑪致賀,並在故鄉鳳凰城向支持者發表演說。麥肯在妻子辛蒂和副總統候選人培琳陪伴下告訴失望的支持者:「我們已經走到漫長旅途的盡頭,美國人民已經說話了,而且說得十分清楚。」麥肯承認這是一次歷史性選舉,特別對非裔美國人有重大意義。

地盤被攻破 麥肯豎白旗

麥肯說,國家正處在艱難時刻,他要求所有支持他的美國人,不僅要和他一起恭賀歐巴瑪,也要對下任總統提供善意與誠摯。麥肯說,從明天起,大家必須一起努力讓國家向前走。麥肯感謝美國人民給他這個機會,「雖然失敗了,但這是我的失敗,不是你們的失敗。

近午夜,歐巴瑪身著黑色西裝出現在芝加哥,與一身深紅色洋裝的妻子蜜雪兒形成強烈對比。在勝選演說中,歐巴瑪對麥肯表示敬意,推崇麥肯打了一場艱苦而漫長的選戰,他期待未來與麥肯、培琳合作。他並感性地表示,雖然外祖母已不在人世,但他知道她正和打造他的許多親人一起在看著。除了感謝妻子、家人與競選團隊, 歐巴瑪告訴支持者:「這場勝利是屬於你們的」。

怕辜負所託 當選就降溫

歐巴瑪在激勵支持者之際,也試圖降低外界過高的期望。歐巴瑪表示,許多人支持他,是因為了解美國面對的任務有多麼艱鉅。這條道路會很漫長,他們可能無法在一年內,甚至無法在第一任內達到目標。但他承諾,大家最終會抵達終點。

歐巴瑪強調,政府無法解決所有的問題,但他永遠會誠實告知美國人所要面對的挑戰,並在意見不同時傾聽。

歐 巴瑪的勝選並非僥倖,共和黨傳統地盤在這次選戰中被歐巴瑪大舉攻佔。布希二○○四年贏得的佛羅里達州、俄亥俄州、愛荷華州、科羅拉多州、新墨西哥州、內華 達州與維吉尼亞州,這次都一一被歐巴瑪攻佔。足以影響選戰的關鍵州新罕布夏州、加州與賓州,歐巴瑪也成功守住民主黨候選人凱瑞四年前的戰果。除了密蘇里與 北卡羅萊納州尚未確定外,歐巴瑪共贏得三百四十九張選舉人票。

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見證歷史 歐巴瑪勝選演說

編譯俞智敏/特譯

以下為美國新任總統當選人歐巴瑪四日晚間的演說大要:


假如有人還在懷疑,美國這塊地方是否一切都有可能發生;或者美國開國元老的夢想是否仍然存在;又或者仍然質疑美國民主的力量,今晚的結果就是最好的答案

這個答案是由全國各地學校與教堂前排隊的人龍所回答,他們的數量之多是這個國家有史以來僅見;他們排隊三到四小時,很多人都是第一次投票,因為他們相信這一次可以有所不同,他們的選票會創造不同。

這個答案是由年輕人和老人,富人和窮人,民主黨人與共和黨人,黑人,白人,拉丁裔,亞裔,美洲原住民,同性戀,異性戀,殘障與非殘障的美國人所說出,他們向全世界表達,我們從來都不是所謂紅州與藍州的組合:我們是,而且也一直都會是,美利堅合眾國。

我們等了很久,但今晚,因為我們今天所做的,在這場大選中,在這個關鍵時刻,改變已經降臨美國。

我剛接獲麥肯參議員所打來的電話。他在這場選戰中奮戰不懈,而且他為他所深愛的國家奮戰的時間還要更久,也更為努力。我要恭喜他和培琳州長的成就,同時也期待在未來的數月中,與他們一起重新找回這個國家的希望。

我要感謝陪我一路走來的搭檔,一位用真心競選,並且替與他一起成長的男男女女們發聲的人,美國副總統當選人拜登。

我今晚不可能站在這裡,若沒有過去十六年來最好朋友的堅定支持,我們家中的磐石和我的摯愛,我們的新任第一夫人,蜜雪兒.歐巴瑪。

但最重要的,我永遠不會忘記這場勝利其實是屬於你們的。我從來不是最有希望的候選人。我們開始時沒有錢,也沒有人支持。我們的選戰不是在華府的廳堂裡所規劃,而是在第蒙市的後院、康科特市的客廳及查爾斯頓的陽台上想出來的。

這是勞工男女從他們僅有的積蓄中拿出五美元、十美元和二十美元捐助所造就的選戰。這場選戰從拒絕冷漠迷思的年輕人身上獲得力量,他們遠離家園,擔任薪資微 薄又必須熬夜的工作;較不年輕的人則冒著寒風和炙陽去敲陌生人的門;數百萬美國人自動自發地組織動員,證明在兩個多世紀後,民有、民治、民享的國家並未從地球上消失。這是你們的勝利。

我知道你們這麼做並非是要打贏選戰,而是因為了解眼前所面臨的重大難題。因為即使我們今晚歡欣慶祝,我們深知明天的挑戰是我們此生最艱困的,兩場戰爭,瀕臨滅絕的地球,一世紀以來最嚴重的金融危機。

未來的道路會很漫長。我們要爬的陡坡非常險峻。我們可能無法在一年,甚至一個任期內走到,但美國卻從未像我今天這樣充滿希望,我們一定會走到。這一路上會 有挫折與失敗,也會有人不同意我當總統後的所有決定,但我一定會把我們面臨的挑戰坦誠相告。我會傾聽你們的聲音,尤其是在我們意見不同的時候。更重要的是,我會請你們一同參與重建這個國家的工作,美國這兩百二十一年來就是這樣用一磚一瓦、胼手胝足所建造出來的。

讓我們抗拒重回黨派相爭的老路。就像林肯當年所說,「我們並非敵人,而是朋友,儘管激情可能緊繃,卻不該破壞我們之間的情誼。」對那些尚待我爭取支持的美國人,我或許未贏得你們的選票,但我聽見了你們的聲音,我需要你們的幫助,我也會是你們的總統。

對那些從海外、在國會與宮殿裡觀看今晚發展的人,或那些在被世界遺忘的角落裡蜷縮著聽收音機的人,我們的故事或許與眾不同,但我們卻有著共同的命運,美國領導的新黎明即將到來那些破壞世界的人,我們會擊敗你們。尋求和平與安全的人,我們會支持你。那些懷疑美國的燈塔是否像過去一般明亮的人,今晚我們再次證明,我們國家真正的力量不在於我們的武力強大或財富規模,而是來自我們理想的永續力量:民主、自由、機會與永不讓步的希望。

因為美國可以改變,那正是美國真正的天賦。我們的合眾國可以繼續改良。我們已經做到的成就,讓我們對明天可以做到,而且必須做到的目標保持希望。

這場大選有許多第一次,也有許多可以流傳給後代子孫的故事。但今晚我想到的,是一位在亞特蘭大投下選票的女士。她就跟其他數百萬計排隊用選票發聲的民眾一樣,除了安.尼克森.庫柏女士今年已高齡一百零六歲。

她出生於奴隸剛解放後的世代,當時路上沒有汽車,天空沒有飛機,像她這樣的人無法投票有兩個原因,因為她是女性,更因為她皮膚的顏色。

今晚,我想到她這一百年來在美國所見到過的心痛與希望,抗爭與進步,她見過那些我們被告知辦不到的年代,以及那些堅信美國信條,堅持到底的人:我們辦得到

今晚我們自問,如果我們的子孫能活到見證下個世紀,如果我的女兒們能有幸像庫柏女士那麼長壽,她們又會見到什麼改變?我們又能達成哪些進步?

這是我們回應的機會,這是我們的時刻。我們現在該讓大家重回工作,替子女打開機會大門,恢復榮景並致力和平,重新拿回美國夢,重申我們的基本真理,那就是儘管我們人數眾多,實為一體,雖然我們呼吸、希望、遭到譏諷與懷疑,被其他人說我們辦不到,我們仍會用那句能總結一個民族精神的信念:我們辦得到。謝謝你們,神保祐大家,願神保祐美利堅合眾國。


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Hello, Chicago.

哈囉,芝加哥!

If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible, who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time, who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer.

如果外頭還有人懷疑,美國是否真的是任何事都可能發生的地方,懷疑我們開國先賢的夢想今天是否依然存在,懷疑我們民主的力量;今夜,就是你們要的答案。

It’s the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen, by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the first time in their lives, because they believed that this time must be different, that their voices could be that difference.

這是個用這個國家僅見,環繞學校、教堂的無數人龍,所說的答案。這些人,苦等三、四個小時,許多還是生平頭一次,因為他們相信,這次一定要不一樣,他們的聲音就是明證。

It’s the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white, Hispanic, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled. Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been just a collection of individuals or a collection of red states and blue states.

這是個由不分老少、貧富、民主黨、共和黨;黑人、白人、拉丁裔、亞裔、美洲原住民;同性戀、異性戀人;肢障與四體健全者,大家共同訴說的答案。美國民眾向全世界發出訊息,我們絕非一盤散沙,也不是由紅州、藍州拼湊而成的集合體。

We are, and always will be, the United States of America.

我們現在是,未來也永遠是,美利堅合眾國。

It’s the answer that led those who’ve been told for so long by so many to be cynical and fearful and doubtful about what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day.

這個是引領國人把手放在歷史拱弧,再度讓它指向明天會更美好希望的答案。長久以來,這些國人一直被許多人灌輸,要嘲諷、害怕和懷疑我們自身的能力。

It’s been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this date in this election at this defining moment change has come to America.

這個答案遲遲未出現,但是今晚,由於我們在這個投票日關鍵時刻的所作所為,改變終於降臨美國。

A little bit earlier this evening, I received an extraordinarily gracious call from Senator McCain.

今晚稍早,我接到馬侃參議員打來,態度非常懇切的電話。

Senator McCain fought long and hard in this campaign. And he’s fought even longer and harder for the country that he loves. He has endured sacrifices for America that most of us cannot begin to imagine. We are better off for the service rendered by this brave and selfless leader.

馬侃參議員已打完一場漫長艱苦的選戰。他為這個他所熱愛的國家所打的仗更久,更艱苦。他為美國的奉獻犧牲,是我們多數同胞難以想像的。因為有他這位勇敢無私的領袖的奉獻,我們才能過比較好的日子。

I congratulate him; I congratulate Governor Palin for all that they’ve achieved. And I look forward to working with them to renew this nation’s promise in the months ahead.

我向他道賀;也向裴林州長道賀,為他們所成就的一切。我迫不及待想和他們攜手合作,在未來數月更新這個國家的許諾。

I want to thank my partner in this journey, a man who campaigned from his heart, and spoke for the men and women he grew up with on the streets of Scranton … and rode with on the train home to Delaware, the vice president-elect of the United States, Joe Biden.

我要感謝我的選舉搭檔,這位先生全心全意競選,為與他在史克蘭頓街頭一起長大的男男女女代言。在前往德拉瓦州的路上,和我一起以火車為家,他就是副總統當選人,拜登先生。

And I would not be standing here tonight without the unyielding support of my best friend for the last 16 years … the rock of our family, the love of my life, the nation’s next first lady … Michelle Obama.

如果沒有過去10六年來堅定支持的摯友,我今晚不可能站在這裡。她是我家庭的磐石,我一生的最愛,國家未來的第一夫人蜜雪兒‧歐巴馬。

Sasha and Malia … I love you both more than you can imagine. And you have earned the new puppy that’s coming with us …to the new White House.

莎夏和瑪利亞。我對妳倆的愛遠超過妳們想像。你們已贏得即將和我們一起到新白宮作伴的新小狗。

And while she’s no longer with us, I know my grandmother’s watching, along with the family that made me who I am. I miss them tonight. I know that my debt to them is beyond measure.

還有,雖然她已不在我們身邊,但是我知道我外婆,也和造就今日之我的家族一起在看。今晚,我想念他們。我知道,我欠他們的,無法衡量。

To my sister Maya, my sister Alma, all my other brothers and sisters, thank you so much for all the support that you’ve given me. I am grateful to them.

我妹妹瑪亞、艾瑪、我的其他兄弟姊妹們,非常感謝你們給我的所有支持。我很感謝他們。

And to my campaign manager, David Plouffe … the unsung hero of this campaign, who built the best _ the best political campaign, I think, in the history of the United States of America.

還有,我的競選經理普羅費,這次競選的無名英雄,我認為他營造了美國史上最佳的政治運動。

To my chief strategist David Axelrod … who’s been a partner with me every step of the way.

感謝我的首席競選策略顧問艾索洛,一路走來,他一直是我的得力夥伴。

To the best campaign team ever assembled in the history of politics … you made this happen, and I am forever grateful for what you’ve sacrificed to get it done.

感謝這個政治史上無出其右的最佳競選團隊,你們造就了這項成果,我對你們的犧牲奉獻,永存感激。

But above all, I will never forget who this victory truly belongs to. It belongs to you. It belongs to you.

總之,我絕不會忘記這個勝利真正屬於誰。它屬於你們大家。它是你們的。

I was never the likeliest candidate for this office. We didn’t start with much money or many endorsements. Our campaign was not hatched in the halls of Washington. It began in the backyards of Des Moines and the living rooms of Concord and the front porches of Charleston. It was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give $5 and $10 and $20 to the cause.

我從來就不是這個職位最被看好的候選人。剛開始,我沒什麼錢,也沒什麼後援。我們參選的念頭,並非始於華府大廳,而是來自第蒙市後院,康科市客廳和查爾斯敦的門廊,再經由眾多男女,用他們從有限儲蓄中拿出,依法所能捐獻的五塊、10塊和廿塊美元,共同打造出來的。

It grew strength from the young people who rejected the myth of their generation’s apathy … who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little pay and less sleep.

經過那些拒絕承認他們是冷漠世代的迷思的年輕朋友加持,它成長茁壯,他們離開家,告別親人,投入待遇菲薄,永遠睡眠不足的工作。

It drew strength from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to knock on doors of perfect strangers, and from the millions of Americans who volunteered and organized and proved that more than two centuries later a government of the people, by the people, and for the people has not perished from the Earth.

經過那些年紀不算輕的朋友加持,它成長茁壯,他們冒著寒風酷暑,挨家挨戶向完全陌生的民眾敲門;經過數百萬民眾自發性的組織,證明這個民有、民治、民享的政府,在兩百多年之後,沒有從地球上消失,仍在成長茁壯。

This is your victory.

這是你們的勝利。

And I know you didn’t do this just to win an election. And I know you didn’t do it for me.

我知道,你們這麼做,不只是為了勝選。我也知道,你們這麼做,不是為了我。

You did it because you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead. For even as we celebrate tonight, we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime _ two wars, a planet in peril, the worst financial crisis in a century.

你們這麼做,是因為你們了解,橫在眼前的是千萬斤的重擔。因為即使我們今晚慶功,我們也明白,明天所要面臨的是此生最大的挑戰:兩場戰爭,一個處於存亡之秋的地球,及百年僅見的金融危機。

Even as we stand here tonight, we know there are brave Americans waking up in the deserts of Iraq and the mountains of Afghanistan to risk their lives for us.

即使我們今晚站在此地,我們也知道,為了我們,美國的勇士們正在伊拉克沙漠巡邏,在阿富汗山區出生入死。

There are mothers and fathers who will lie awake after the children fall asleep and wonder how they’ll make the mortgage or pay their doctors’ bills or save enough for their child’s college education.

許多父母,在子女進入夢鄉後,仍輾轉難眠,擔心房貸、醫療帳單該怎麼付,或該怎麼存,才夠支應子女的大學教育費用。

There’s new energy to harness, new jobs to be created, new schools to build, and threats to meet, alliances to repair.

新的能源要研發,新的工作機會要創造,新學校要建,不少威脅要對付,既有盟邦關係要修補。

The road ahead will be long. Our climb will be steep. We may not get there in one year or even in one term. But, America, I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there.

未來的路仍遙,路上的坡仍陡峭,我們可能沒辦法在一年,或一任內抵達。但是,美國,我從來沒有像今晚的我,對我們的使命必達,更充滿希望。

I promise you, we as a people will get there.

我向各位許諾,我們會團結一心,一齊抵達目的地。

There will be setbacks and false starts. There are many who won’t agree with every decision or policy I make as president. And we know the government can’t solve every problem.

一開始,挫折和失誤在所難免。有許多人不會同意我以總統身分所做的每一個決定或每一項政策。我們也知道政府無法解決所有問題。

But I will always be honest with you about the challenges we face. I will listen to you, especially when we disagree. And, above all, I will ask you to join in the work of remaking this nation, the only way it’s been done in America for 221 years _ block by block, brick by brick, calloused hand by calloused hand.

但我永遠會把我們面對的挑戰坦白告訴各位。,尤其是在我們看法不同的時候。最重要的是,我會邀請各位加入重塑這個國家的工作,以美國兩百廿一年來採用的唯一方法:一磚一瓦,胼手胝足。

What began 21 months ago in the depths of winter cannot end on this autumn night.

廿一個月前發軔於隆冬的,不會就在這個秋夜結束。

This victory alone is not the change we seek. It is only the chance for us to make that change. And that cannot happen if we go back to the way things were.

我們追求的改變,不僅僅是這個勝利。這個勝利只是給我們機會實現我們追求的改變。我們若走回頭路,改變便不會發生。

It can’t happen without you, without a new spirit of service, a new spirit of sacrifice.

少了你,少了新的服務精神,少了新的犧牲精神,改變就不會發生。

So let us summon a new spirit of patriotism, of responsibility, where each of us resolves to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves but each other.

所以,且讓我們喚起新的愛國心、新的責任感,人人挽起衣袖,更加努力,照顧自己之外,更要彼此照顧。

Let us remember that, if this financial crisis taught us anything, it’s that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main Street suffers.

我們不要忘記,如果這次金融危機給了我們任何教訓,那就是在尋常百姓生活困頓下,華爾街也不可能獨自繁榮昌盛。

In this country, we rise or fall as one nation, as one people. Let’s resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettiness and immaturity that has poisoned our politics for so long.

在這個國度,不論興衰,都是全國與共,全民一體。我們一定要抗拒誘惑,不再靠已毒害我國政治許久的黨派之私、褊狹和幼稚。

Let’s remember that it was a man from this state who first carried the banner of the Republican Party to the White House, a party founded on the values of self-reliance and individual liberty and national unity.

我們不可忘記,第一個把共和黨旗幟帶進白宮的男士,正是來自本州。共和黨的建黨根基則是自立、個人自由及全國統一團結等價值觀。

Those are values that we all share. And while the Democratic Party has won a great victory tonight, we do so with a measure of humility and determination to heal the divides that have held back our progress.

這些也是我們共享的價值觀。雖然民主黨今晚大勝,我們卻始終謙沖自持,並決心彌合阻撓我們進步的裂縫。

As Lincoln said to a nation far more divided than ours, we are not enemies but friends. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection.

正如林肯向一個遠比今天更分歧的美國所說的,我們不是敵人,是朋友。激情或曾使選情緊繃,卻不容它破壞我們之間感情的連結。

And to those Americans whose support I have yet to earn, I may not have won your vote tonight, but I hear your voices. I need your help. And I will be your president, too.

我要向那些我仍須努力爭取支持的美國同胞說,或許今晚我沒能贏得各位的選票,但是我聽到諸位的聲音,我需要你們協助,我也會是你們的總統。

And to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores, from parliaments and palaces, to those who are huddled around radios in the forgotten corners of the world, our stories are singular, but our destiny is shared, and a new dawn of American leadership is at hand.

對那些今晚在海外、從各地國會和宮殿觀看美國選情的人士,在為世人遺忘的角落圍繞著收音機的人們,我要說我們的故事各不相同,命運卻是一體,美國新的領導就要出現了。

To those _ to those who would tear the world down: We will defeat you. To those who seek peace and security: We support you. And to all those who have wondered if America’s beacon still burns as bright: Tonight we proved once more that the true strength of our nation comes not from the might of our arms or the scale of our wealth, but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy, liberty, opportunity and unyielding hope.

對那些想撕裂這個世界的人,我要說:我們會打垮你。對那些追求和平安全的人,我要說:我們支持你。而對那些懷疑美國這燈塔是否依然明亮的人,今晚我們再度 證實,美國真正的國力不是來自船堅砲利、富甲天下,而是來自發乎我們理想、歷久不衰的力量,這些理想是民主、自由、機會和堅持到底的希望。

That’s the true genius of America: that America can change. Our union can be perfected. What we’ve already achieved gives us hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.

這正是真正的美國精神:也就是美國能夠改變。這個國家的結合可以更完善。我們已經成就的,讓我們勇於企盼我們明天能夠做到、也必須做到的。

This election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations. But one that’s on my mind tonight’s about a woman who cast her ballot in Atlanta. She’s a lot like the millions of others who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for one thing: Ann Nixon Cooper is 106 years old.

這次大選有許多創舉和故事足供世世代代傳頌。而今晚浮現在我腦海的,是在亞特蘭大投票的一位婦人。她和這次大選無數排隊投票以表達心聲的選民沒什麼差別,不同的只有一點,安.尼克森.庫柏已高齡一百零六。

She was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky; when someone like her couldn’t vote for two reasons _ because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin.

她出生於奴隸時代結束後那個世代;當時路上沒有汽車,天上不見飛機;而她這樣的人沒有資格投票,原因有二:其一,她是女人,其二,她的膚色不對。

And tonight, I think about all that she’s seen throughout her century in America _ the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can’t, and the people who pressed on with that American creed: Yes we can.

但就在今晚,我想到她在美國這百年人生的閱歷:心傷和希望;掙扎和進步;那些人告訴我們我們不能的時候,和那些高舉著美國人「是的,我們做得到」的信念奮勇向前的人。

At a time when women’s voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot. Yes we can.

身處女性聲音受壓制、希望被漠視的時代,她這一生親眼看到女性站起來,表達心聲,並爭取到投票權。是的,我們做得到。

When there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal, new jobs, a new sense of common purpose. Yes we can.

就在塵盆地帶(指美國大草原的一部分,大致包括科羅拉多州東南部、堪薩斯州西南部、德州與奧克拉荷馬州鍋柄形突出地帶)陷入絕望,大蕭條席捲美國全境之際,她目睹一個國家以新政、新的工作機會、新的和衷共濟精神克服了恐懼本身。是的,我們做得到。

When the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. Yes we can.

當炸彈落在我們的港口,暴政威脅世界之際,她親眼看見一個世代巍然挺身而起,拯救了一個民主體制。是的,我們做得到。

She was there for the buses in Montgomery, the hoses in Birmingham, a bridge in Selma, and a preacher from Atlanta who told a people that We Shall Overcome. Yes we can.

在蒙哥馬利市(黑人)搭巴士抗爭,伯明罕市的水龍(警察以強力水龍對付抗議者),賽爾瑪城外的橋上(遭警察血腥鎮壓),來自亞特蘭大的一位牧師告訴一個民族「我們終必得勝」時,她都在場。是的,我們做得到。

A man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in Berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination.

一個人登上了月球,柏林一道牆倒了,一個世界被我們自己的科學和想像連結了起來。

And this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen, and cast her vote, because after 106 years in America, through the best of times and the darkest of hours, she knows how America can change.

Yes we can.

而今年,在這次選舉中,她用手指觸碰屏幕,投下她的一票,因為在美國生活了一百零六年,嘗遍酸甜苦辣之後,她知道美國能夠有什麼樣的改變。是的,我們做得到。

America, we have come so far. We have seen so much. But there is so much more to do. So tonight, let us ask ourselves _ if our children should live to see the next century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as Ann Nixon Cooper, what change will they see? What progress will we have made?

美國,我們已經走了這麼遠。閱歷了這麼多。眼前卻還有這麼多事要做。所以,今晚讓我們捫心自問,如果我們的子女能夠活到下個世紀;如果我女兒有幸如安.尼克森.庫柏般長壽,他們能看到什麼改變?我們又促成了什麼樣的進步?

This is our chance to answer that call. This is our moment.

此際正是我們回應那個召喚的機會,這是我們的時刻。

This is our time, to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace; to reclaim the American dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth, that, out of many, we are one; that while we breathe, we hope. And where we are met with cynicism and doubts and those who tell us that we can’t, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people: Yes, we can.

就在此刻,我們大家要重新開始工作,為我們的孩子開啟希望之門;迎回繁榮並推展和平大業;重新擁抱美國夢並再次確立那基本的真理,也就是我們同舟一命,只 要活著就懷抱希望。當旁人嘲諷、懷疑我們,告訴我們我們辦不到時,我們會回以那歷久不衰、總結一個民族精神的信念:是的,我們做得到。

Thank you. God bless you. And may God bless the United States of America.

謝謝大家。願上帝祝福你,求上帝祝福美國。


2008年11月4日 星期二

遭設局以性愛影帶勒索 BMW女繼承人成焦點


奇摩新聞 法新社 更新日期:"2008/11/04 00:20" 楊超寰

(法新社柏林三日電)

德國最有錢的女人克拉登一向躲媒體唯恐不及,今天卻因有關她的前愛人以兩人在旅館房間纏綿錄影帶勒索數千萬歐元的大量報導,剎時成為媒體聚光燈的焦點。

擁有寶馬汽車廠與化工巨人亞特蘭大公司大量股權的克拉登,據傳有七十八億歐元的身價。德國和義大利媒體報導,二零零七年中她首次在一個旅館酒吧中遇到斯加比。

德國「週日畫報」報導,這位四十六歲、已婚並有三個小孩的女人很快被這位四十一歲瑞士男子的風度折服,接下來的幾週中,兩人多次在廉價旅館相會,其中還包括在寶馬所在地慕尼黑假期飯店的一次。

義大利的報紙說,斯加比很快開始向他超級有錢的戰利品伸手。據說,他聲稱意外開車輾過一個美國黑手黨份子的小孩,要賠七百五十萬歐元才能保命。

報導說,克拉登相信了他的故事,二零零七年九月在一家旅館的地下室以每張面額兩百歐元的現金如數把錢交給他。

不久後這項關係結束了,但事件還沒有。

報導說,兩人在慕尼黑假期飯店會面那次的房號是六二九,斯加比的共犯巴瑞塔卻拿著攝影機偷偷在隔壁的六三零房把兩人在房內的情形全部入鏡。

「南德日報」引述義大利警方的報告表示,斯加比去年十一月又打電話向克拉登勒索一千四百萬歐元,否則他將公布這卷內容不堪的錄影帶。

這家報紙說,去年十一月他還寄了一封信並附上DVD,以証明所言不虛。億萬女富豪因而同意今年一月十四日在奧地利和他見面付錢。

結果克拉登自己沒去,卻派了警察去。

「南德日報」報導,斯加比和六十三歲的巴瑞塔均被逮捕,之後被引渡到慕尼黑。該報說,另外還有六個義大利及瑞士人被懷疑涉案,大多是兩人的家人,其中包括斯加比的妻子。

克拉登是德國工業家關特的女兒。一九五七年他將瀕於倒閉的巴伐利亞寶馬車廠救回,並將之打造成全球最成功的公司之一。

台灣:時代的變遷--2008競選廣告

2008年11月3日 星期一

放空福斯股 避險基金狂賠1兆續一 幕後黑手

保時捷財務長哈特Holger Haerter(Photo by Ralph Orlowski/Getty Images)

星期人物》保時捷掌櫃哈特 選擇權大贏家
作者:編譯 劉道捷/綜合外電 來源:UDN 發布時間:2008-11-03 03:24:52

保時捷財務長哈特(Holger Harerter)財務操作特別高明,提高福斯汽車持股一役大敗眾多避險基金,為保時捷賺到的業外收益是本業利益好幾倍,讓福斯汽車的投資人和避險基金愛恨交集。

一位放空福斯汽車大虧特虧的避險基金經理人說:「大家應該封他年度風雲銀行家。」另一位避險基金經理人說:「他可能比較喜歡當選擇權交易員,比較不喜歡當財務長,但是只操作一種資產的避險基金風險很高。」

然而,哈特不是避險基金經理人,而是出身萊因萊因法爾茲邦(Rhineland-Palatinate)農村的財務經理,出任保時捷汽車公司財務長前,最重要的職位是一家地板材料公司財務長。現在卻操作福斯的衍生性金融商品,為保時捷賺到幾十億歐元,也凸顯他的事業生涯與眾不同。

哈特的看法也跟大家不同,認為保時捷並沒有變成避險基金,而是在推動長期策略、取得福斯控制權的過程中,正好創造了特別高的報酬率。2006-2007年度中,從福斯選擇權中賺到46億美元,2007-2008年度裡,從福斯股權和衍生性商品賺到的錢可能更多。

哈特到保時捷上任時,很少人想到他將來會想出創新的財務策略。他念完經濟系後,在美因茲的經濟研究機構中擔任研究員,然後跳槽到當地清潔用品公司維納梅茲公司,擔任財務主管,再到地板材料公司DLW擔任同樣的職務。

1996年,出身德國南部、把保時捷從破產救活的執行長魏德勤慧眼識英雄,把哈特從默默無聞中挖到保時捷。哈特開始推動集中財務權責和外幣收支,這樣很快的就必須進行外匯避險,尤其是美元避險,因為美國變成了保時捷的最大市場。

哈特說:「因為避險成本高昂,兩個人開始開發避險產品。」在選擇權上附加好幾層的選擇權,以便增加「彈性」。

保時捷行動時機恰當,在2000年代初期歐元匯價從低於1美元開始升值時,開始避險操作,到今年歐元漲到1.6美元,保時捷因此獲得極為龐大的利潤,每年大約賺到2.5億美元的外匯避險利益。

這些獲利加上保時捷跑車高人一等的利潤率,為保時捷積聚逐步併吞福斯的本錢,保時捷開始買福斯時,福斯股價極低,保時捷只花了58億歐元,就買到福斯31%股權,這部分股權現在價值460億歐元。

整個逐步增加持股期間,哈特都利用選擇權,提供下一步吸購股權的源。保時捷希望本月或下月取得福斯50%以上股權。

有些分析師擔心哈特把保時捷變成選擇權操作大戶,增加了出錯的風險,表示「在目前這種危機的情況下,我寧願他專注本業。」但哈特表示自己只是善盡職責,確保保時捷達成掌控福斯的長期目標。

以欺騙他人作為一種謀生方法



會寫篇文章的原因
來自於前些日子的一連串的新聞事件
主角是一位16歲的算命師
不過
重點不是他
他會暴紅的原因在他幫阿扁算命!!!!!
然後 邱毅大元帥就出來爆料了...
媒體就開始不斷地去找相關的資料來發佈新聞
因為阿扁是諸多媒體討伐的對象!!!

黃琪也變成相對的受害者
這世界還真是有點奇妙呢...

先貼些相關資料
參考網站 : http://blog.xuite.net/osaki99/blog/20148992

國中生、算命師、副總編輯 網友驚嘆黃琪身分撲朔迷離(2008/10/20 16:12)
幫扁算塔羅?網友:黃琪2年前讀國中。 社會中心/綜合報導

日前立委邱毅爆料,前總統陳水扁跑去算時下流行的塔羅牌,不幸抽到死神牌還痛哭流涕。這則原本只是要諷刺陳水扁大難臨頭的爆料,如今又扯出「案外案」,因為有網友爆料,幫陳水扁算命的黃琪可能只有16歲,本名黃照岡。不過,就算不去計較黃琪的年齡,他之前還是有冒充台北之音總監的前科,從算命師、雜誌副總編輯到台北之音總監,網友直呼簡直是電影《神鬼交鋒》真人版。

在東森新聞對黃琪的獨家採訪播放後,不少網友開始大爆自己與黃琪曾經認識過,還有人意外發現,他曾經在民國95年參加至善國中的朗讀比賽,得過英文話劇比賽第一名,表現活躍。不過,推算下來,他今年應該只有16、17歲,媒體求證於至善國中,校方承認他的確是校友,但不願透露是幾年畢業。

阿扁是不是被一個16歲的年輕小伙子給騙了?這樣的疑問湧上民眾心頭,有網友諷刺,如果是真的,那黃琪要算犯「欺君之罪」嗎?其實,撇除他年齡的問題不說,資深媒體人蕭嘯接受訪問時表示,黃琪去年是他的員工,本名黃照岡,因為挪用公款被開除,而網路上也可查到以「出版部副總編輯」為頭銜的黃照岡發言新聞,但是,創意生活誌根本沒有出版部門!

網友buladeik指出,去年他在創意管理顧問有限公司任職時,黃琪就是他的頂頭上司,當時叫做黃照岡,頭銜執行副總監,自稱73年次,留英雙碩士,還兼職喜來登飯店的行政總監。buladeik表示,但是黃琪行為令人感到不對勁,當詢問留英生活時,卻支吾其詞回答比較常去法國,問他行政總監的職務回答更是詭異,僅說罵罵員工之類的。

而用黃照岡的名字往前找資料,可發現一篇由台北之音所發出的聲明稿,內容澄清台北之音內部並無「黃照岡」或同音姓名之員工。原來是黃照岡自稱自己是台北之音Hit FM的創意總監,不但向記者要藝人電話、到許瑋倫靈前上香,還向喜來登飯店訂購跨年套房。

在黃照岡台北之音創意總監時代,網友berryfox曾跟他接觸過,當時 berryfox透過教會教友認識他,還被委託要製作名片,並且不斷炫耀在台北之音的薪資豐厚,年收入500萬,之後又說自己轉做NU SINK,最重要的是,他似乎還欠積欠網友berryfox名片設計費。

從一開始上媒體的塔羅牌算命師,到後來的出版部副總編輯、創意管理顧問有限公司執行副總監、喜來登行政總監、台北之音創意總監到國中生,黃琪整個人顯得撲朔迷離,卻又不願出面澄清,宛若電影《神鬼交鋒》台灣版,事情的真相到底如何,只有黃琪一個人才能說明。

中國時報社論----小黃與阿扁 八竿子打到一起
http://www.cdnews.com.tw 2008-10-28 08:54:18


 中國時報28日社論:陳水扁家族海外洗錢疑案一路高潮迭起,在政府高層、企業界人士紛紛捲入後,案情如滾雪球般愈演愈烈;不過,箇中節情抽絲剝 繭,倒也沒有那麼難理解,不外是官商勾結,金錢與權力的交易等等;沒想到天外飛來了一筆,傳出少年黃琪用塔羅牌幫陳水扁算命的事情,這讓令人窒息不耐甚至 氣憤不平的案情好像突然間有了喜劇般的轉折。

 說是喜劇,乃是因為整個過程太不可思議。身分成謎,僅國中畢業的黃琪,再怎樣,也很難跟曾經兩度擔任中華民國總統的陳水扁連得起來吧;更何況, 連結兩人的媒介據說還是塔羅牌。身陷弊案的陳水扁再怎麼困惑茫然,也讓人很難想像他會求助於塔羅牌這種受到都會女性喜愛的算命方式;陳水扁逢廟必入,拿香 就拜,大家不會意外,但是近六十歲的陳水扁坐在十六歲的黃琪對面,要他用塔羅牌幫忙解惑排難,單單想到這個畫面,就讓人忍俊不止,如果真有此事,那絕對是 今年最誇張的一場鬧劇了。

 更何況後來還扯出三個喇嘛的祈福法會,更讓人難以想像。為什麼年紀小小的黃琪可以「調得動」三個喇嘛,其中還有兩人不會說中文,而他又為什麼可 以憑一通電話,就讓堂堂的前任總統輕車簡從,星夜赴會?陳水扁真的有無助到這個程度嗎?陳水扁在洗錢案爆發後,火力全開,四處趴趴走,上電台接受訪問時面 不改色,侃侃而談,甚至還成為一○二五大遊行的主角,種種跡象顯示,陳水扁實在有著過人的堅強人格,為什麼這個天不怕、地不怕的人,竟然會在接到一通其實 並不怎麼熟的人的電話之後,就趕著去給他算命、祈福、辦法會?

 扁辦公開表示,這整起事件其實就是一個詐財事件,陳水扁自己也是「受害人」。扁辦證實,日前接到一位「黃先生」來電,說有陳水扁的友人關心陳水 扁,要為他辦祈福法會,所以陳水扁就去了,事後詢問所謂的友人,才發現根本沒有這件事。這位友人是誰?黃琪到底是報了誰的名號才這麼管用,讓貴為前總統的 陳水扁一點都不疑有他,就去了黃琪的工作室?還有,為什麼陳水扁去之前不會先打電話跟這位友人確定一下「黃先生」到底是誰,然後竟然就匆匆忙忙去了?

 在葉盛茂把洗錢公文(情資)洩露給了陳水扁後,陳水扁和他的家族就不斷進行著複雜的資金調度和人頭安排,對照如此精明縝密的作為,如何能讓人相 信他會在接到一通陌生的黃先生的電話,就不帶任何隨扈急忙與之會面?這像是前任總統的作為嗎?雖然社會上也有不少人認為黃琪竟然能夠騙到陳水扁,真的讓人 拍案叫絕,甚至還有人有「過癮」的感覺,但是仔細思索這件事情的來龍去脈,不禁讓人懷疑:陳水扁真的只是「單純地被騙了」嗎?他什麼時候變得這麼好騙? 又,如果事情真如扁辦所說,只是個騙局,為什麼扁辦要在事情曝光一個禮拜後才發新聞稿說明呢?這種「慢半拍」的反應,可一點都不像陳水扁有冤急申的風格 啊。當初陳水扁為什麼去,後來扁辦為什麼肯證實,都頗耐人尋味。

 嚴格說起來,父親過世,母親不在身邊,連舅舅都懶得理他的黃琪,可以說是個社會邊緣人;他與高高在上的陳水扁根本是八竿子打不到一起。到底背後 有什麼特別的情節讓這兩條平行線有了如此令人驚奇的交集?相信很多人看了這樁洗錢案外案後,心底也難免會升起這樣的疑問。四處公開發聲的陳水扁自己至今從 未公開談及此事,但黃琪儘管行蹤不明,卻仍持續在他的部落格發布文章,揚露更多「小黃與阿扁」的互動過程;如果另一名當事人、陳水扁不願公開證實這些情節 的真假,那麼很多人或許也只會把黃琪說的故事當作茶餘飯後的八卦;然而,跟過去許多江湖傳言不同的是,兩人的會面情節是經過扁辦證實的──不管小黃是圓的 還是扁的,一通電話,他就把阿扁給叫了來──哦,原來,要約我們的前總統碰個面,是這麼容易的事啊。


蘋論:阿扁算命被騙 2008年10月21日

阿扁看起來張牙舞爪,扯皮耍賴,其實內心衰弱可憐。他不久前去算塔羅牌,據說拿到死神牌。媒體經過一陣追查後,發現算命的是個騙子。哈哈哈,堂堂前總統竟被一個嘴上無毛的小騙子給騙了。我們百姓竟被這樣的總統統治8年,會不會臉上無光,欲哭無淚?

失去信仰內心恐懼

塔羅牌占卜命理師黃琪,遭踢爆可能只有國中學歷,在學期間就在網上幫人占卜賺錢,還假冒某公司的音樂總監、行政總監,留學英國云云;更奇怪的是他今年才16歲。這樣的小騙子,前總統竟然找他算命,莫非阿扁小時候腦袋被驢子踢過?
算命就是企圖破譯既定信息與符碼和人、事的對應關係。西洋神祕主義大盛於3個時期,都是在一個時代結束之際,人們失去信仰與價值,內心虛弱漂浮恐懼:4世紀末,古典時期結束;17世紀末,文藝復興及其餘緒的尾聲;20世紀末,科學理性時期結束。

中國也在三個對自我價值認識最活躍的時期最流行算命:戰國─諸子百家競相詮釋人性的戰亂時代;魏晉─九品中正制度與清談;隋唐─科舉取士。
具體而言,算命是內心空虛、衰弱、漂浮、沒有信仰、不確定感和恐懼的總和。阿扁在選舉和官司結果未明時,都會變得十分迷信,也因為如此。


扯上阿扁爆紅 塔羅牌小子黃琪 曾徵包養被逮

2008-10-22 中國時報【蕭承訓、陳俊雄/台北報導】

 自稱幫前總統陳水扁以塔羅牌算命而聲名大噪的「黃琪」,遭踼爆是個未成年的「毛頭小子」後,刑事局更進一步查出,黃琪先前曾因在網路聊天室散布援交訊息遭北縣土城分局逮捕後,以「吳嘉文」的假名應訊,涉及偽造文書罪嫌,刑事局已會同土城分局展開追查。

 去年四月間,土城警分局警員在某聊天室發現「台北- 呦快來包養我」的「吳嘉文」,經過釣魚後員警約在士林捷運站把「吳嘉文」逮個正著,士林地檢署給予緩起訴處分。

 最近黃琪爆紅,當初逮人的員警覺得電視上的黃琪看來挺眼熟,似乎就是去年四月上網徵求包養被逮的「吳嘉文」,刑事局立即派員前往土城警分局了解原委。

 警方發現「黃琪」在土城分局所拍下的前科檔案照片,就是現在的模樣,但當時他是以廿三歲的吳嘉文應訊。警方並查出「黃琪」讀國中時常拿醫院診斷證明請假,事後看起來都很像經過偽造,警方也將進一步調查釐清。


黃姓少年疑援交送辦 冒名吳嘉文應訊 本尊出面
http://www.nownews.com/2008/10/23/11490-2354308.htm
(2008/10/23 13:53)

把前總統陳水扁騙得團團轉的16歲黃姓占卜師,警方發現他在去年涉嫌冒用一名23歲男子吳嘉文上網援交,昨天(22日)台北縣土城分局找到吳嘉文本人,證實兩人曾經一同出遊,但是對於身分遭到冒用,也表示非常吃驚。

年僅16歲的占卜師,黃姓少年將前總統陳水扁耍得團團轉,警方發現他不僅有多重身份,在去年4月還涉及一起網路援交,當時他被巡邏員警逮捕,製作筆錄時卻冒用了另一名男子吳嘉文的身分。

在爆發黃姓占卜師的新聞後,吳嘉文本人在父母陪同下來到分局說明案情。他今年23歲,樣貌和黃姓少年一樣,相當清秀斯文,在高雄讀書,他和黃姓少年在網路上認識,相約同遊台中,當時兩人互換聯絡方式,黃姓少年還給了吳嘉文自己的名片,印的是本名。

占卜師黃姓少年20日曾說,「我在1985年12月出生,網路上這些指控都是針對黃X剛針對這個人,我不認識他,我們也不相識。」只是這個本名卻被黃姓少年自己給推翻,他現在除了觸犯兒童及性交易防治條例罪遭到緩起訴,還要追究他涉嫌偽造文書的部份,至於他的背後是否有集團操控,也由刑事局偵辦,黃姓少年精通塔羅牌,可不知有沒有算到這一步?(新聞來源:東森新聞記者陳敏如、陳蜀強)

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真是太神奇啦